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Showing posts with label South Sudan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label South Sudan. Show all posts

24 June 2025

Supreme Court for now allows Trump to deport migrants to ‘third countries’ & U.S. Supreme Court allows — for now — third-country deportations & 23JUN25



This scotus ruling proves this project 2025 court has no intention of defending our democratic Republic, our Constitution, our rights and liberties. If these 6 fascist "justices" had been judges at Nuremberg the 10 prominent members of the political and military leadership of Nazi Germany; Hans Frank, Wilhelm Frick, Alfred Jodl, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Wilhelm Keitel, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Alfred Rosenberg, Fritz Sauckel, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, and Julius Streicher wouldn't have been found guilty of their crimes, wouldn't have been hanged, but instead would have been acquitted and set free. God help us.

Supreme Court for now allows Trump to deport migrants to ‘third countries’


The case centers on President Donald Trump’s attempt to deport migrants to countries where they are not citizens, including conflict-ridden South Sudan.


The Supreme Court on Monday cleared the way for the Trump administration to deport immigrants to countries where they are not citizens, temporarily blocking a decision by a lower-court judge who said migrants must have a “meaningful opportunity” to contest their removal.

The court’s order, which drew a sharp dissent from the three liberal justices, was the latest of several allowing President Donald Trump to move forward with a major change in policy while litigation on the issue continues in lower courts. Each has been made as part of the court’s “emergency docket,” which means they are decided based on truncated court filings, not oral argument, and the justices do not always explain their reasoning.

As part of Trump’s mass deportation efforts, the administration has attempted to send groups of migrants, some convicted of crimes in the United States, to countries other than their own, including to conflict-ridden South Sudan. Four individuals initially filed a lawsuit in Boston on behalf of all migrants potentially subject to third-country removals, saying they are entitled to notice and an opportunity to raise fear-based claims before deportation.

U.S. District Judge Brian E. Murphy in Massachusetts ruled against the administration, temporarily barring such deportations. He later said a planned deportation flight to South Sudan had violated his order. Those migrants have since been held in a makeshift detention facility at a U.S. naval base in Djibouti, enduring health hazards and the threat of rocket attacks.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, wrote a nearly 20-page dissent, criticizing the administration for violating the lower-court order and trying to send migrants to “a nation the State De­partment considers too unsafe for all but its most critical personnel.”

“Rather than allowing our lower court colleagues to manage this high-stakes litigation with the care and attention it plainly requires,” the liberals wrote, the majority was “rewarding lawlessness” by halting an order the administration has repeatedly defied.

“Apparently, the Court finds the idea that thousands will suffer violence in farflung locales more palatable than the remote possibility that a District Court exceeded its remedial powers when it ordered the Government to provide notice” to the targeted migrants, the dissent said. The conservative majority’s one-paragraph, unsigned statement did not explain its reasons for pausing Murphy’s decision.

The White House and the Department of Homeland Security claimed victory, posting on social media the message “Fire up the deportation planes,” and a meme of the president doing a celebratory dance. 

In a brief order late Monday, Murphy said the men in Djibouti were protected from immediate removal based on a separate ruling he previously issued.

The third-country removals case is one of several that have reached the Supreme Court involving the Trump administration’s aggressive efforts to ramp up deportations and restrict legal and illegal immigration. The justices restrained the administration in other deportation cases, joining lower courts in chastising Trump officials for failing to provide immigrants with sufficient time or due process to challenge their removals. But the justices also allowed Trump to lift protected status for hundreds of thousands of migrants while litigation on the cancellation of their programs continues.

The court, for example, ordered the administration to facilitate the return of Kilmar Abrego García, who was wrongly deported to El Salvador despite a court order prohibiting it. The government brought him back to the United States this month after securing an indictment against him for allegedly transporting undocumented migrants.

In her dissent Monday, Sotomayor suggested that the majority’s position contradicted its earlier orders that had emphasized that migrants cannot be removed without a fair process.

Georgetown Law professor Steve Vladeck, who closely tracks the emergency docket, called the order “disastrous” and scolded the majority for failing to address the Trump administration’s violations of Murphy’s order. That silence, he wrote in his One First newsletter Monday night, could encourage the administration to violate other lower-court orders.

Like Sotomayor, Vladeck noted the court’s earlier rulings that migrants are entitled to notice and an opportunity to challenge their deportations. He said Monday’s order “effectively allows for countless other migrants to be removed to third countries where they have credible arguments that they’ll be mistreated — for no other reason than because they’ve already been held to be removable to some other country. Due process apparently matters to these justices on the initial removability question, but not beyond that.”

Attorneys for the migrants said the court action leaves thousands of people vulnerable to deportation and mistreatment.

“It strips away critical due process protections that have been protecting our class members from torture and death,” Trina Realmuto, executive director of the National Immigration Litigation Alliance, said in a statement. She emphasized that the broader challenge to the administration’s policy is still underway in the lower courts, adding, “We now need to move as swiftly as possible to conclude the case and restore these protections.”

Tricia McLaughlin, an assistant secretary in the Department of Homeland Security, said in a statement that the agency “can now execute its lawful authority and remove illegal aliens to a country willing to accept them.”

Murphy had ordered the government to give those targeted for third-country deportations up to 25 days to legally challenge their removals. He said the deportees also must be interviewed by the government, with their attorney and interpreter present, to determine whether they qualify for humanitarian protection.

In asking the Supreme Court to overturn that ruling, Solicitor General D. John Sauer told the justices that the U.S. is “facing a crisis of illegal immigration, in no small part because many aliens most deserving of removal are often the hardest to remove.”

He argued that the lower-court judge infringed on the executive’s authority over deportations and imposed an “onerous set of procedures” for the government to assess any claims under the Convention Against Torture, which was ratified by Congress in 1994 to bar the U.S. government from sending people to countries where they might face torture.

Attorneys for the immigrants told the justices that Murphy “went to great lengths to avoid micro-managing” the administration’s compliance with federal law prohibiting such deportations — even of criminals — to third countries where they would face persecution or torture.

They also disputed the administration’s characterization of the migrants as “the worst of the worst,” saying many of those targeted have not been convicted of crimes and initially entered the United States legally as refugees or on student or work-based visas.

Murphy has grown increasingly frustrated with the administration’s responses to his orders, accusing Justice Department lawyers of “manufacturing the very chaos they decry” as a way to evade his instructions. In May, Murphy found that the administration had violated his court order by attempting to remove one group of migrants, who are from Cuba, Vietnam, Myanmar, Laos and Mexico, after federal authorities determined they had committed serious crimes and their homelands would not take them.

A lawyer for the immigrants had urged Murphy to order the government to return the men, bound for South Sudan, to the United States. But the judge declined to order their return, saying the Department of Homeland Security could bring them back for the interviews or conduct them where the migrants were being held.

In his filing, Sauer assured the court that under the Convention Against Torture, the administration “will not remove an alien to any country where he is likely to be tortured — i.e., the extreme scenario where the alien is likely to face severe pain or suffering intentionally inflicted by the hand or with the consent of a public official.”

Maria Sacchetti contributed to this report.

Ann Marimow covers the Supreme Court for The Washington Post. She joined The Post in 2005, and has spent a decade writing about legal affairs and the federal judiciary. She previously covered state government and politics in California, New Hampshire and Maryland. Send secure tips on Signal to annmarimow.72

U.S. Supreme Court allows — for now — third-country deportations

The Supreme Court on Monday blocked a lower court order that required 15 days notice to individuals the Trump administration is trying to deport to countries other than their own. 

The high court's action, at least for now, reversed the lower court's order requiring that those being deported have enough time to contact their lawyers and present evidence that would show their lives would be in danger if deported to certain countries. 

The order focused on a flight carrying several men from various countries — including Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, Cuba and Mexico — which was initially headed to South Sudan but ended up in the East African country of Djibouti in order to give the men time to dispute their final destination. The U.S. government says the men are violent criminals, convicted of crimes including murder, sexual assault, kidnapping and robbery, and said they don't deserve to stay in the U.S.

But Judge Brian Murphy of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts last month said people must still get a so-called "credible fear" interview in their native language to be able to dispute being sent to a country they're not originally from. He said people must get at least 15 days to challenge their deportations.

Monday's unsigned Supreme Court order puts that decision on hold while the legal process continues in the lower courts.

In a searing dissent, the court's three liberals accused the conservative majority of "rewarding lawlessness."

Writing for the three, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said "The government has made clear in word and deed that it feels itself unconstrained by law, free to deport anyone, anywhere without notice or an opportunity be heard."

Sotomayor said the Trump administration had already acted "in violation of unambiguous" lower court orders, by flying four noncitizens to Guantanamo Bay, and from there to El Salvador." Following that, she said, "the government removed six people to South Sudan, with less than 16 hours notice" basically overnight, and without any opportunity to contact their lawyers or be heard in court. The government, she said, "thus openly flouted two court orders," even before it went to the Supreme Court. 

"This is not the first time the court closes its eyes to noncompliance, nor, I fear, will it be the last," she said. 

Several migrants and U.S. detention officers awaited the court ruling while living in a converted shipping container at a U.S. military base in Djibouti, beset by high temperatures, exposure to malaria, and close proximity to "burn pits," which emit throat-clogging smog from burning trash and human waste.

Monday's Supreme Court order is the latest example of its willingness to allow President Trump's to accelerate deportations and minimize due process, based on the administration's assertion that it will be irreparably harmed by interventions from the lower courts while the cases are fully litigated through the appeals process — a process likely to take months.

Accusations of 'wreaking havoc'

U.S. Solicitor General John Sauer on May 27 asked the Supreme Court for an immediate stay of Murphy's order, saying it is "wreaking havoc on the third country removal process."

"The United States is facing a crisis of illegal immigration, in no small part because many aliens most deserving of removal are often the hardest to remove," he wrote. Through "sensitive diplomacy," the U.S. had convinced third countries to accept the men after their own countries refused, he said, but Murphy's order prevents that "unless DHS first satisfies an onerous set of procedures invented by the district court" to assess whether the men might be tortured or persecuted in the country to which they're sent.

Immigration lawyers told the Supreme Court that even criminals deserve meaningful notice and an opportunity to be heard before they're sent to a country with dangerous conditions where they could be tortured.

Lawyers from the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project, Human Rights First, and the National Immigration Litigation Alliance say the men set to end up in South Sudan only got notification the night before their flight.

They also say Mexico, for example, had previously accepted its own citizens deported from the U.S., suggesting that the Trump administration's process of removing people to third countries is "intentionally punitive." South Sudan is a politically unstable country in Africa and one of the poorest in the world.

Prioritizing deportations

The strategy to rely on other countries to take in U.S. deportees is not new. But the Trump administration has prioritized getting more countries to repatriate their citizens, including from China, Venezuela and Cuba, in order to more quickly deport people from the U.S.

"And the further away the better, so they can't come back across the border," Secretary of State Marco Rubio said during an April cabinet meeting.

DHS policy requires any deportee to get notice of what country they're being sent to, "and an opportunity for a prompt screening of any asserted fear of being tortured there."

The arguments in court have centered on how long migrants should have to contest their removal to a country. DHS says this process takes "minutes," not weeks. In the case of the flight to South Sudan, the men got less than 24 hours' notice. Immigration lawyers say such little time means deportees' have little hope of arguing against a removal, especially if they don't speak English.

20 April 2012

KONY2012 from INVISIBLE CHILDREN & Central African Republic: LRA Attacks Escalate from HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH 20APR12

HUMAN Rights Watch has this article about LRA attacks, killings and kidnappings in the Central African Republic and suspected LRA attacks in the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo). The U.S. government, along with the E.U. and the African Union need to commit to coordinated boots on the ground actions to capture joseph kony and the LRA leadership, turn them over to the ICC and disarm the LRA. Check out Human Rights Watch for more on the LRA and other human rights issues around the world. (This post originally included information on Invisible Children's KONY2012 campaign. I have removed it because of their affiliation with the right wing "religious" extremist group known as the "Family". Be sure to read the comment after this post from Bruce Wilson, check out his links KONY 2012, Invisible Children, and the Religious Right: The Evidence16APR12 and Invisible Children Touts Ties To NOM & Proposition 8 Funders 20APR12 and for more information check out my earlier post on them, WHEN IS IT A CHURCH 4MAR10 
and
Tea Party Jesus: Koch's Americans For Prosperity Sidles Up to Religious Right for 2012 Campaign16APR11 


(Nairobi) -- The Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebel group has increased its attacks in the Central African Republic (CAR) since the beginning of 2012, putting civilians in affected areas in need of urgent protection, Human Rights Watch said today. Attacks also continue in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The LRA carried out at least 53 new attacks in Congo and CAR between January and March, abducting 90 civilians and killing nine others, according to new research by Human Rights Watch in CAR and United Nations (UN) documentation. The number of attacks in southeastern CAR is a significant increase over attacks reported in 2011.
“The increase in LRA attacks shows that the rebel group is not a spent force and remains a serious threat to civilians,” said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The African Union, United Nations, and governments in the region should take urgent steps to implement comprehensive civilian protection measures and put real muscle into making them work.”
Two sisters in Agoumar who were abducted on their farm by the LRA on February 27, 2012. They were released, but their brother and nephew are still missing.
During a three-week research mission to CAR and Uganda in March and April, Human Rights Watch interviewed 23 victims and witnesses to the attacks, as well as local leaders, civil society representatives, military officials, and UN and African Union (AU) representatives.
Two sisters from Agoumar, ages 43 and 62, told Human Rights Watch that they had gone fishing on February 27 when the LRA abducted them. They were taken by a group of three fighters, who forced the women to carry honey, peanuts, and heavy bags of flour that had been looted from a nearby granary.
“We were fully loaded with goods and had to walk in the forest for three days and three nights without stopping,” one of the women said. “They beat us in a horrible way, and when my sister got seriously ill after the third night, the fighters decided to let us go. Our brother and nephew who were abducted on the same day are still missing, and we fear they may have been killed.”
Civilians across the region visited by Human Rights Watch said they live in fear of the next LRA attack. Over 400,000 people remain displaced due to LRA attacks, including at least 2,000 newly displaced in 2012. Many civilians told Human Rights Watch they desperately needed protection.
In the area around Ngouyo, a village 30 kilometers south of Djema, the LRA has carried out 12 attacks in the past two years, including two attacks in December 2011 and three in March 2012. Only two soldiers from the CAR armed forces are based in Ngouyo. Since the attacks in December the Ugandan army has deployed soldiers to Ngouyo, but villagers are afraid to leave the village and fear the Ugandan soldiers might soon depart, leaving them at the mercy of the LRA.
“It is very difficult for us to cultivate our farms, and now people are suffering from hunger,” a local leader in Ngouyo told Human Rights Watch. “Since the attacks started, we only go to our farms in groups and only to the farms within five kilometers of the village center. But since the recent attacks in the area, no one has left the village to go to their farms for the past two weeks.”
There is no phone network in Ngouyo or radio communication, so villagers often have no means of reporting LRA attacks.
On March 8, suspected LRA fighters attacked a group of seven people from Ngouyo who were fishing in the Ouara River, about 15 kilometers north of the village. An elderly mother of 10 who witnessed the attack told Human Rights Watch what happened: “They told my son to get down on the ground, and then they tied his hands behind his back. They looted all of our goods, and left with my son and our belongings. When I cried out to protest, they hit me on my arm with a bayonet and told me not to follow them.” The woman’s 29-year-old son is still missing.
Human Rights Watch documented other attacks in the region that may have been carried out by the LRA, including a massacre of 13 artisanal gold diggers in the Cawa Safari camp area around March 20. Further investigations are required to determine if the attack was carried out by the LRA or other actors, although the massacre resembled previous LRA attacks in Congo. The victims were beaten to death with machetes and pieces of wood. Some were tied up or stripped naked before they were killed. The LRA is the only armed group suspected to have been active in the camp area recently.
CAR judicial authorities are currently investigating the massacre.
Whereabouts of the LRA Leaders
The LRA’s leader, Joseph Kony, is wanted on an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed between 2002 and 2004 in Uganda. The Ugandan military reports that they suspect he is hiding in the Darfur region of Sudan with an estimated 100 to 150 fighters, family members, and abducted children and adults. Two other LRA leaders also sought on ICC arrest warrants, Dominic Ongwen and Okot Odhiambo, are reported by the Ugandan military to be hiding in the remote forests around the Vovodo and Chinko Rivers in CAR with an estimated 100 fighters divided up into small groups. Both Kony and the other LRA leaders forcibly hold an unknown number of abducted children and adults.
Col. Binansio Okumu (also known as Binany) and another LRA commander known as Obol are suspected to be in Congo, possibly near Garamba National Park, where the LRA were previously based. These commanders were responsible for the Makombo massacre in December 2009 which left 345 civilians dead and over 250 abducted.
“No government should give safe haven or support to Joseph Kony or other LRA leaders wanted for mass atrocities,” Van Woudenberg said. “If Kony is in Darfur, then the government of Sudan should join the regional efforts to apprehend him and send him to The Hague.”
In recent months, the LRA has mostly operated in small groups, raiding fields and abducting civilians to transport looted goods. Some abductees who managed to escape told Human Rights Watch that Kony and other senior LRA leaders may have given instructions to LRA fighters to avoid large-scale killing to keep their locations hidden from the armed forces pursuing them.
A 19-year-old from southeastern CAR, interviewed by Human Rights Watch, spent over a year with the LRA before she escaped in January. She described the LRA’s current strategy as looting when supplies were needed, but not to kill since the LRA were under constant pressure from the Ugandan army and the leaders did not want to reveal the group’s locations.
But LRA violence against those abducted continued, Human Rights Watch said.
“As soon as I was abducted, the LRA taught us their language, Acholi, and told us their rules,” the young woman told Human Rights Watch. “We had to wash three times per day, prepare the food well for the fighters, keep their clothes clean, and if we tried to escape, we would be killed. Two people who were abducted from Agoumar tried to escape, and the LRA forced us, the other children, to beat them to death with heavy sticks. The LRA fighters treated us horribly. If we committed an error, they would beat us terribly and we even risked being killed. That’s why I had to escape. I managed to flee when they sent me to look for water.”
Other armed groups, armed cattle herders and bandits also operate in this region of CAR, adding to the insecurity in the area and sometimes making it difficult for residents to identify who attacked them. For example, since early 2012, the Popular Front for Recovery (Front Populaire Pour le Redressement, FPR), a Chadian rebel group led by Baba Laddé and formerly based in northern CAR, is reported by military authorities in CAR to have moved south toward the areas where the LRA also operates.
Lack of Civilian Protection
Armed forces from the region and the UN have adopted few measures to protect civilians who live in the areas where the LRA operate, most notably in CAR. Only around 100 CAR soldiers are deployed to the vast eastern region. In many towns there are only two to five ill-equipped soldiers with limited transport and communications means. Some villages and towns have no soldiers deployed at all.
The Ugandan army has an estimated 600 to 800 troops deployed in CAR as part of the joint operation against the LRA, but few are deployed to population areas to protect civilians and instead are focused on tracking the LRA’s leaders.
In late 2011, the United States deployed 100 special forces personnel to the LRA-affected region as military advisers to the armed forces carrying out operations against the LRA. In CAR, these advisors are based in Djema and Obo. The U.S. deployment has helped improve civilian-military relations, coordination between the armies of the various countries, and the conduct of the Ugandan soldiers, who previously were accused of drunken disorderly conduct and some cases of sexual violence. Ugandan army officers told Human Rights Watch that intelligence gathered recently from U.S. aerial surveillance has also permitted their forces to more accurately deploy troops to areas where the LRA is present, and that intelligence is now shared with the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) in a more efficient way.
The U.S. military advisers’ impact on civilian protection has been limited, however, by the lack of authorization from the U.S. Defense Department to move outside of the towns where they are deployed to assess the impact of LRA attacks on communities, to facilitate humanitarian assistance, to expand demobilization activities, and to accompany regional forces on patrols.
Human Rights Watch called on the U.S. advisers to develop concrete measures to protect civilians from retaliatory attacks by the LRA as part of the joint military planning.
“Despite the presence of foreign armies and their own security forces, civilians in CAR have shockingly little protection from the LRA’s brutal attacks,” Van Woudenberg said.  “Tackling this protection gap and apprehending the LRA’s leaders wanted on ICC arrest warrants are both urgently needed to end the LRA’s abuses.”
The UN has a peacebuilding mission in CAR, known as BINUCA, which was mandated by the UN Security Council in December to report on LRA attacks and support demobilization and disarmament activities for LRA combatants. But no BINUCA personnel have been deployed to the LRA-affected areas to date.
In March, the AU announced a Regional Cooperation Initiative to strengthen efforts to combat the LRA, including the deployment of a 5,000-member Regional Task Force incorporating soldiers from Uganda, Congo, CAR, and South Sudan, most of whom are already deployed in the region. The European Union and other donors have said they would support this initiative.
It is not yet clear how the current military forces conducting operations against the LRA will transition to a new joint command structure or if they have the capacity to deploy the troops needed to protect civilians adequately. While there have been efforts to improve coordination and information sharing between the armed forces, this too has been far from adequate, especially on planning for civilian protection. Tensions between the Congolese and Ugandan armies have hampered the operations. In late 2011, ahead of Congolese national elections, the Congolese government ordered all Ugandan soldiers to leave Congo. They have not yet been permitted to return.
Human Rights Watch also called on the AU and its partners to enhance communication and road infrastructure, and to improve demobilization efforts of LRA fighters, especially in CAR.
“It’s civilians who pay the price when the governments of the region are unable to resolve their differences or coordinate their efforts,” Van Woudenberg said. “The AU and the UN’s promises to help coordinate and strengthen these efforts cannot wait a day longer.”
Photo: Two sisters in Agoumar who were abducted on their farm by the LRA on February 27, 2012. They were released, but their brother and nephew are still missing.
© 2012 Ida Sawyer/Human Rights Watch
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/human-rights-watch/central-african-republic_b_1441408.html