NORTON META TAG

13 April 2021

Biden will withdraw all U.S. forces from Afghanistan by Sept. 11, 2021



 THANK GOD! We have sacrificed too many American lives in defense of corrupt Afghan government officials at the local, provincial and national level. We have wasted trillions of dollars attempting to defeat the corrupt apostates known as the taliban. It is time for the Afghan military to accept responsibility for the security of the civilian population of Afghanistan. And it is time for the Afghan people to stop sheltering and supporting the taliban terrorist and start supporting the political process that that can bring peace and stability to the nation. Sen mitch mcconnell fr KY and all the others of both parties who object to Pres Biden's plan are concerned about the profit margins of their masters in the military-industrial complex. It is so hypocritical these politicians are so concerned about the federal budget deficit they oppose Pres Biden's 2 trillion dollar 10 year infrastructure plan while having no problem with the 5 trillion+ spent on the "war on terror", mostly in Iraq and Afghanistan, since 2001.  Thank you Pres Biden, bring the troops home ASAP! From the Washington Post.....

Biden will withdraw all U.S. forces from Afghanistan by Sept. 11, 2021

April 13, 2021 at 2:45 p.m. EDT

President Biden will withdraw all American troops from Afghanistan over the coming months, people familiar with the plans said, completing the military exit by or before the 20th anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks that first drew the United States into its longest war.

The decision, which Biden is expected to announce on Wednesday, will keep thousands of U.S. forces in the country beyond the May 1 exit deadline that the Trump administration negotiated last year with the Taliban, according to a senior administration official who briefed reporters Tuesday under rules of anonymity set by the White House.

While the Taliban has promised to renew attacks on U.S. and NATO personnel if foreign troops are not out by the deadline, it made no initial statement in response to the announcement, and it is not clear whether the militants will follow through with the earlier threats given Biden’s plan for a phased withdrawal between now and September.

Officially, there are 2,500 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, although the number fluctuates and is currently about 1,000 more than that. There are also up to an additional 7,000 foreign forces in the coalition there, the majority of them NATO troops.


Biden’s decision comes after an administration review of U.S. options in Afghanistan, where U.S.-midwived peace talks have failed to advance as hoped and the Taliban remains a potent force despite two decades of effort by the United States to defeat the militants and establish stable, democratic governance. The war has cost trillions of dollars in addition to the lives of more than 2,000 U.S. service members and at least 100,000 Afghan civilians.

“This is the immediate, practical reality that our policy review discovered,” said one person familiar with the closed-door deliberations who like others spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss policy planning . “If we break the May 1st deadline negotiated by the previous administration with no clear plan to exit, we will be back at war with the Taliban, and that was not something President Biden believed was in the national interest.”

The goal is to move to “zero” troops by September, the senior administration official said. “This is not conditions-based. The president has judged that a conditions-based approach . . . is a recipe for staying in Afghanistan forever. He has reached the conclusion that the United States will complete its drawdown and will remove its forces from Afghanistan before September 11th.”

The decision highlights the trade-offs the Biden administration is willing to make to shift the U.S. global focus away from the counterinsurgency campaigns that dominated the post-9/11 world to current priorities, including increasing military competition with China.

In addition to major domestic challenges, “the reality is that the United States has big strategic interests in the world,” the person familiar with the deliberations said, “like nonproliferation, like an increasingly aggressive and assertive Russia, like North Korea and Iran, whose nuclear programs pose a threat to the United States,” as well as China. “The main threats to the American homeland are actually from other places: from Africa, from parts of the Middle East — Syria and Yemen.”

“Afghanistan just does not rise to the level of those other threats at this point,” the person said. “That does not mean we’re turning away from Afghanistan. We are going to remain committed to the government, remain committed diplomatically. But in terms of where we will be investing force posture, our blood and treasure, we believe that other priorities merit that investment.”

Immediate reaction in Washington was divided. In a statement on the Senate floor, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) called it “reckless” and “a grave mistake. It is retreat in the face of an enemy that has not yet been vanquished and abdication of American leadership.”

McConnell pointed to a 2019 amendment — passed by a supermajority of senators when Trump called for full withdrawal from Syria — that requires the administration to “certify that conditions have been met for the enduring defeat of al-Qaeda and [the Islamic State] before initiating any significant withdrawal of United States forces from Syria or Afghanistan.”

“Can President Biden certify that right now?” McConnell asked.

But while McConnell cited “broad political support” for an ongoing military presence in Afghanistan, other lawmakers called it the right decision. “There are no good, easy decisions here,” said House Armed Services Committee Chairman Adam Smith (D-Wash.). “Given the options, I think this is the best choice.”

“We cannot impose a solution on Afghanistan,” Smith said in an interview. “I don’t doubt for a second there is going to continue to be violence and turbulence,” but the main transnational terrorist threat is now elsewhere. “We can only be in so many places. We have to make choices, and those choices are not easy. It’s not as if we didn’t put in the time in Afghanistan,” he said.

Some officials have warned that a U.S. exit will lead to the collapse of the Kabul government while jeopardizing gains made over the past two decades in health, education and women’s rights.

Biden administration officials say the United States intends to remain closely involved in the peace process and will continue to provide humanitarian aid and assistance to the Afghan government and security forces, which remains almost totally dependent on foreign support.

“What we will not do is use our troops as bargaining chips,” the senior official said.

“We went to Afghanistan to deliver justice to those who attacked us on Sept. 11. . . . We believe we achieved that objective some years ago,” the senior official said, and now judge the threat to the United States “to be at a level that we can address it without a persistent military footprint.”

Biden, who argued unsuccessfully during the Obama administration for a small, counterterrorism-focused presence, had already hinted that the United States would remain for only a limited time beyond the May 1 deadline.

Late last month, he said he did not expect U.S. troops to be deployed there next year. “We will leave,” he said at a White House news conference. “But the question is when we leave.”

Administration officials were in the process of notifying officials in NATO nations as well as Afghan officials and the Taliban on Tuesday. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, in a statement from his office, said he would have no statement until an upcoming phone call with Biden “to officially share details of the new withdrawal plan.”

The senior official also said the Taliban was reminded of its commitments under the Trump agreement and warned against attacking departing U.S. forces. Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said the militants would make an official response “when the U.S. formally announces” its plans, presumably by Biden on Wednesday.

The official said the U.S. withdrawal would be fully coordinated with NATO and other coalition partners. Citing NATO’s “in together, out together” mantra, the senior official said “we will take the time we need to execute that, and no more time than that.” The official said withdrawal would begin before May 1 and might well be completed before September.

Many NATO governments have said they have no desire or ability to remain without the logistical, security and other support the U.S. forces provide.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin are in Brussels Tuesday and Wednesday informing their NATO counterparts. Germany has the second largest force in Afghanistan, numbering more than 1,000. Officials there have cautioned that they would need months to organize an orderly departure.

In early March, Blinken launched a last-ditch diplomatic effort to bring the Taliban and the Afghan government together to end the war with an interim power-sharing arrangement. He warned Ghani in a sharply-worded letter that time was growing short.

The hope was to accelerate a negotiating process begun under President Donald Trump in 2019, when White House envoy Zalmay Khalilzad started talks with militant leaders in Doha, the capital of Qatar. That led to a February 2020 agreement signed by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo under which the United States pledged to withdraw its forces by May 1, 2021, in exchange for Taliban severance of all ties with al-Qaeda, and agreement to begin negotiations with the Afghan government toward a cease-fire and peace accord.

While the inter-Afghan talks began in September, they have made little progress. At the same time, the Taliban has increased its attacks on Afghan troops and expanded its territorial control. As the new administration launched its review, the Pentagon and the United Nations reported that the militants had not complied with their commitments under the Trump agreement.

Many Afghan experts have concluded that the Taliban are moving closer to a military victory, but that they may be reluctant to take over as a pariah government, which could result in a loss of international support and aid for the country.

Biden’s choice was a stark one. With U.S. public opinion and Congress divided, staying could lead to political difficulties at home and renewed Taliban attacks on U.S. forces. At the same time, an abrupt American departure could undermine any achievements made in the past two decades, reduce the possibility of a peace deal and lead to a Taliban takeover.

John Sopko, the independent special inspector for Afghanistan reconstruction, warned Congress last month that U.S. withdrawal without a peace agreement in place would be “a disaster,” and mean government collapse. Others have warned of civil war, as regional warlords have amassed and armed their own forces.

Blinken’s warning to Ghani, along with the interim government proposal, seemed to have little effect. He called for a conference of Taliban and Afghan leaders to take place in Turkey this month, and a U.N.-convened meeting of regional governments, including Iran, along with the United States, to push diplomacy.

Although Turkey announced Tuesday the Afghan meeting would go ahead on April 24, Mohammad Naeem, spokesman for the Taliban political office, said in a tweet Tuesday that “until all foreign forces completely withdraw from our homeland,” they would “not participate in any conference that shall make decisions about Afghanistan.”

No U.N. meeting has been confirmed. Khalilzad’s shuttle diplomacy among the Afghans and with regional leaders have yet to bring the two sides together in agreement.

The person familiar with the administration’s deliberations rejected the suggestion that these apparent failures precipitated Biden’s decision. The United States, the person said, would continue its diplomatic efforts to bring peace. But time had proven that the presence of U.S. troops, even at much higher levels, was not effective leverage at moving the parties beyond where they have been willing to go, he said.

Rep. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.), a former CIA analyst and senior security official in administrations of both parties, said Congress would need a full accounting of plans to secure U.S. diplomats in Afghanistan and ensure that global extremists from al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are unable to gain renewed strength.

The senior official said any potential for a resurgence of al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, where U.S. intelligence currently assesses its presence as relatively small, “will be met with vigilance.”

Drawing on the “lesson from Iraq,” where the Islamic State turned into a major fighting force after the bulk of U.S. troops left, “we have to have the intelligence and military capabilities positioned in the region and the attention of our national security apparatus sufficiently focused to ensure” that if al-Qaeda “begins to emerge,” the United States “will deal with it,” the senior official said.

While officials said Biden would end the military mission entirely, they acknowledged that a still-undetermined number of troops would remain to secure the U.S. embassy in Kabul, where diplomats would be vulnerable if security deteriorates in the Afghan capital.

During his campaign, Biden said his preference was to leave a counterterrorism force of about 1,500 troops in Afghanistan even as other forces withdrew. That now appears to be off the table.

But it’s unclear how the administration may use civilian contractors and intelligence officials now working alongside military personnel to retain a capacity to discern and respond to extremist threats. The U.S. government has routinely assigned military personnel under CIA or other intelligence agency authority in overseas missions, allowing them to conduct certain activities without technically counting as part of a military footprint. The senior official declined comment on the issue.

Retired Gen. Colin Powell, former secretary of state and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the decision to leave was overdue.

“I wouldn’t say enough is enough,” said Powell, who was in charge of George W. Bush’s State Department during the 9/11 attacks and the beginning of the U.S. war in Afghanistan. “I’d say we’ve done all we can do. . . . What are those troops being told they’re there for? It’s time to bring it to an end.”

The Soviet Union, which occupied Afghanistan for a decade until it abruptly withdrew in 1989, “did it the same way,” Powell said. “They got tired, and they marched out and back home. How long did anybody remember that?”

Susannah George in Kabul contributed to this report.

The rise of domestic extremism in America 12APR21



I despise those who are so ignorant that they can not vocalize their opinions and beliefs but instead resort to the threat of and / or actual violence to express their ignorance. Nobody has the right to impose their beliefs, their wants and desires on anyone else through threatening violence or actual violence. Those who tolerate threats of violence or violent actions are just as ignorant and just as guilty as those who threaten and / or commit violence. THIS HAS TO STOP. From the Washington Post.....

The rise of domestic
extremism in America

Data shows a surge in homegrown incidents not seen in a quarter-century

Domestic terrorism incidents have soared to new highs in the United States, driven chiefly by white-supremacist, anti-Muslim and anti-government extremists on the far right, according to a Washington Post analysis of data compiled by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

The surge reflects a growing threat from homegrown terrorism not seen in a quarter-century, with right-wing extremist attacks and plots greatly eclipsing those from the far left and causing more deaths, the analysis shows.

The number of all domestic terrorism incidents in the data peaked in 2020.

Since 2015, right-wing extremists have been involved in 267 plots or attacks and 91 fatalities, the data shows. At the same time, attacks and plots ascribed to far-left views accounted for 66 incidents leading to 19 deaths.

“What is most concerning is that the number of domestic terror plots and attacks are at the highest they have been in decades,” said Seth Jones, director of the database project at CSIS, a nonpartisan Washington-based nonprofit that specializes in national security issues. “It’s so important for Americans to understand the gravity of the threat before it gets worse.”

More than a quarter of right-wing incidents and just under half of the deaths in those incidents were caused by people who showed support for white supremacy or claimed to belong to groups espousing that ideology, the analysis shows.

Victims of all incidents in recent years represent a broad cross-section of American society, including Blacks, Jews, immigrants, LGBTQ individuals, Asians and other people of color who have been attacked by right-wing extremists wielding vehicles, guns, knives and fists.

Dozens of religious institutions — including mosques, synagogues and Black churches — as well as abortion clinics and government buildings, have been threatened, burned, bombed and hit with gunfire over the past six years.

Kenneth Robinson, pastor of Briar Creek Road Baptist Church in Charlotte — one of several predominantly Black churches attacked in the spring and summer of 2015 — said some members remain apprehensive.

“Trauma is a way of life for us,” Robinson said. “So we grieve, but we keep pushing forward.”

Both far-left and far-right attacks hit groundbreaking levels in 2020, the database shows, with far-right incidents still the much larger group.

The 73 far-right incidents were an all-time annual high in the CSIS database, which goes back to 1994.

Left-wing attacks reached 25 in 2020. Those incidents include multiple attempts by extremists to derail trains to hinder oil pipeline construction and at least seven incidents in which police and their facilities were targeted with guns, firebombs and graffiti. The incidents included the burning of a Minneapolis police precinct during protests over the death of George Floyd.

In August, a supporter of President Donald Trump was shot dead in Portland, Ore., by a suspected gunman who was a self-described antifa supporter. That killing was the only death last year attributed to far-left violence, the data shows. There were two deaths attributed to far-right attacks.

The Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol spurred renewed national attention on domestic terrorism and on hate-driven violence.

The Post focused its analysis primarily on far-right attacks since 2015 because they account for a clear majority of the rising domestic terrorism events and fatalities charted by the CSIS.

The far-right incidents last year broke into distinct waves emerging amid government shutdowns in the spring, widespread racial demonstrations in the summer and confrontations over the presidential election results in the late fall, The Post’s review of the CSIS data shows.

The CSIS database is one of the best public sources of information about domestic terrorism incidents, which the group’s analysts define as attacks or plots involving a deliberate use or threat of violence to achieve political goals, create a broad psychological impact or change government policy. That definition excludes many violent events, including incidents during nationwide unrest last year, because CSIS analysts could not determine whether attackers had a political or ideological motive.

Data released by the CSIS on Monday includes the Jan. 6 breach of the Capitol as one of 11 far-right terrorism incidents that month — the most for any January in the database. The new report highlights more involvement in far-right attacks and plots by military service members, veterans and current and former police officers, some of whom participated in the riot at the Capitol.

Following the Capitol incident, FBI Director Christopher A. Wray told federal lawmakers that confronting domestic terrorism is a top national security priority of the agency.

Nearly every state has seen at least one domestic terrorist attack or plot in recent years, The Post’s analysis of the database shows, a notable expansion of the communities afflicted by terrorism over prior decades.

“January 6 was not an isolated event,” Wray told the Senate Judiciary Committee on March 2. “The problem of domestic terrorism has been metastasizing across the country for a long time now and it’s not going away anytime soon.”

Domestic terrorism data

The database includes 980 incidents since 1994, the first year in the CSIS records.

Incidents do not have to be adjudicated in the court system to be included. Dozens of incidents have no identified perpetrator but have details about the attacks, including evidence of motive and the target that led to the case being categorized in the database.

The attacks and plots on U.S. soil are bucketed as far right, far left, religious or “ethnonationalist,” which supports nationalist goals that often include dividing society along ethnic lines. Under the CSIS system, the attacks on 9/11 are in the religious category because the perpetrators were Islamist terrorists.

The data shows that far-right attacks diminished following a federal crackdown in response to the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995. In the attack, Timothy McVeigh detonated a truck bomb outside a federal building, killing 168 people. It remains the deadliest homegrown terrorist attack in American history.

Right-wing extremism began gathering fresh momentum after the election of Barack Obama, the nation’s first Black president, according to an April 2009 Department of Homeland Security intelligence assessment. “Right-wing extremists have capitalized on the election of the first African American president, and are focusing their efforts to recruit new members, mobilize existing supporters, and broaden their scope and appeal through propaganda,” the assessment said.

Some attacks do not have an easily discerned motive or a single ideological thread. To refine the types of extremism involved in each case, The Post compiled court records, social media postings, news accounts and other material from local, state and federal law enforcement authorities.

For example, the extended review enabled the The Post to determine that at least 15 attacks or plots involved predominantly Black churches over the past six years. One of them was New Shiloh Christian Center in Melbourne, Fla. Three times in early 2015 fires were set at the church and cars vandalized. No suspect was caught.

Some members left the congregation and others remain fearful, said New Shiloh Bishop Jacquelyn Gordon.

“We all felt threatened,” she said. “I’m always on high alert, because I had no idea who did this.”

Over the past six years, 16 mosques and 13 synagogues also were attacked or threatened by extremists on the far right, The Post’s analysis of the database found.

One of those, Anshe Sholom B’nai Israel in Chicago, was hit with molotov cocktails in 2019. The perpetrators remain unidentified.

Rabbi David Wolkenfeld said worshipers began to fret about security even as they gave thanks that the building was not destroyed.

“It’s really hard. Shocking, shocking to see,” he said. “I’m at a loss when I think about that. Violence toward innocent people is just something I can’t get my head around.”

Pastor Ernest Richards said he had the same sense of disbelief as he watched his church burning in July 2018, an incident that the CSIS includes as a far-left attack. The attackers set the church in Vale, N.C., afire and spray-painted the words “ANTI-GAY HATE GROUP” on a wall, apparently thinking it was a church with a similar name where a pastor was critical of homosexuality. A suspect was never identified.

“I was just angry at a person who could do this,” said Richards, 88, who no longer leads the church. “My anger turned into a state of pity. How can you do that?”

‘Just because they’re mad’

Members of militias and other extremist groups — such as the KKK, Aryan Cowboys and the Base — had roles in at least 67 attacks since 2015, according to The Post’s examination.

But a large majority of perpetrators appear from the data to be operating independently, a defining characteristic of many recent attacks, counterterrorism researchers have said. Some of those loners are prolific users of social media out of which they assemble a jumble of personal beliefs or ideologies, researchers said.

The beliefs have included a tangle of white supremacy, antisemitism, misogyny, homophobia and a host of baseless and debunked claims.

One of the prevailing theories among far-right conservatives is about a “Great Replacement,” the belief that the White race is being replaced by people of color, according to a nationally representative survey of 1,000 American adults last month by the Chicago Project on Security and Threats at the University of Chicago.

The Post’s review of the database found 30 attacks or plots attributed to right-wing violence against Black Lives Matter since 2015, a large majority of them last year.

Perpetrators beat BLM activists in the streets and attacked them with mace, knives, guns or explosives, records show. Right-wing extremists used their vehicles as weapons against activists, plowing into crowds of racial justice demonstrators on at least nine occasions over the past six years, according to The Post’s analysis.

Businesses affiliated with racial justice protests were vandalized and torched, among them a Black-owned coffee shop in Shoreline, Wash. It was pelted with molotov cocktails after midnight on Sept. 30 last year.

Darnesha Weary, co-owner of Black Coffee Northwest and a Black Lives Matter coordinator in Shoreline, said the shop later was vandalized with neo-Nazi graffiti. Weary expressed outrage about the attacks and the fact that no one has been caught.


“No one should feel like they have the audacity to go try and burn someone’s building,” she said. “And just because they’re mad.”

Social media and terrorism

Bruce Hoffman, a professor and counterterrorism specialist at Georgetown University, said extremists have exploited social media and the Internet in recent years to share theories, along with grievances, tactics and potential targets.

“It’s the propellant,” Hoffman said about social media. “That’s what’s giving the reach.”

From 2015 to 2020, the use of websites or social media such as Facebook and encrypted chat services by right-wing extremists rose in five of the six years, The Post’s analysis found.

The Post review included a case if the social media engagement was mentioned by investigators in incidents or cited in news accounts.

The trend peaked in 2020, with 24 incidents that The Post could identify. That represents about one out of five incidents of right-wing violence in that year.

Extremists who lurk online and are unaffiliated with a group pose special challenges for law enforcement because they leave few clues about their intentions and targets, counterterrorism officials and researchers said in interviews.

“Social media has afforded absolutely everything that’s bad out there in the world the ability to come inside your home,” one federal counterterrorism official told The Post, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss law enforcement matters. “And so that makes it hard for law enforcement to see potential tripwires and indicators.”

Among the extremists drawing inspiration online was Taylor Michael Wilson, a 26-year-old from Missouri. Before and after Wilson attended a deadly 2017 right-wing rally in Charlottesville, he immersed himself in right-wing propaganda, court records showed later.

On Oct. 22, 2017, Wilson slipped into the engine compartment of an Amtrak train and pulled the brakes in a remote stretch of Nebraska. At the time, he was carrying a .38-caliber handgun, ammunition speed-loaders and a knife. He also had with him a business card for the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, court records show.

After a struggle, a train conductor pinned him down until authorities arrived. Wilson later told a deputy: “I was going to save the train from the black people,” records state.

Federal authorities later confiscated more than a dozen firearms, including an automatic rifle and hundreds of rounds of ammunition, tactical gear and white-supremacist literature, documents show. A roommate told investigators Wilson joined a neo-Nazi group after meeting members online. Wilson expressed interest in “killing black people,” court records show.

Wilson pleaded guilty in 2018 to a count of terrorism attacks and other violence against railroad carriers and mass transportation systems. He was sentenced to 14 years in federal prison.

Growing threats

Attacks on immigrants have been recurring in recent years. So have attacks on people of color assumed to be immigrants or Muslim, according to statements by perpetrators during the episodes as recounted by the victims.

There have been 15 anti-immigrant-related incidents since 2015, resulting in 27 fatalities and dozens of injuries, a review of the CSIS cases shows. Some of those attacks drew national attention, including an Aug. 3, 2019, massacre at a Walmart in El Paso, by a gunman who authorities say posted a manifesto railing against a “Hispanic invasion” of Texas. The shootings left 23 people, including eight Mexican nationals, dead and two dozen others wounded.

But there also were local incidents, such as the shootings in Wisconsin by now-convicted killer Dan J. Popp of his neighbors. On March 6, 2016, Popp, then 39, approached a father and son in the hallway of the apartment complex where he lived, court records show. Popp demanded to know where they were from.

When they told him they were from Puerto Rico, Popp said, “Oh, that’s why you don’t speak English.”

Popp retrieved a rifle from his room, told them, “You guys got to go,” and shot dead Jesus R. Manso-Perez, 40. He kicked down the door to another unit that belonged to a Hmong family. Popp found them hiding in a bedroom and killed Phia Vue, 36, and Mai Vue, 32.

During his trial for homicide, a jury rejected a claim by Popp that he was insane. A judge sentenced him in February 2018 to life in prison.

 Among emerging trends is the number of military service members and veterans involved in attacks and plots in recent years.

The Post found 36 instances in the CSIS data from 2015 through January 2021, including the Jan. 6 Capitol riot.

In that incident alone, more than 40 people charged with conspiracy and other crimes had served in the military, according to another, separate Post analysis of arrests related to the riot. More than a dozen were current or former law enforcement officers, including police and corrections officers.

Police officers, government officials and politicians also were targets in 2020 in at least 15 right-wing domestic terrorism attacks or plots, a review of the CSIS data shows.

In Monday’s CSIS report, the security group warned that right-wing extremists are increasingly attempting to recruit military service members and veterans.

The report, titled “The Military, Police, and the Rise of Terrorism in the United States,” cited a Department of Defense report sent to the House and Senate Armed Services Committees last month. That report said that DOD “is facing a threat from domestic extremists (DE), particularly those who espouse white supremacy or white nationalist ideologies.”

One of the right-wing terrorism incidents in 2020 involved Navy veteran Timothy Wilson, 36. He had been planning for months to commit some kind of attack that was based on his hatred of Black people, Jewish people, the federal government, refugees and other potential targets, according to a federal affidavit.

Wilson, a father of four who worked for a time at a charitable organization after his Navy stint, communicated with other extremists through an encrypted chat app, the affidavit shows. He shared bombmaking techniques, boasted about his arsenal of guns and ammunition, and talked about recruiting potential collaborators, according to the affidavit.

His contacts included Jarrett William Smith, a 24-year-old Army infantry soldier stationed at Fort Riley, Kan., who offered information online about how to make improvised explosive devices, according to federal investigators. On Facebook, Smith wrote about traveling to Ukraine to fight with a far-right paramilitary group, investigators said.

Smith was arrested and in February 2020 pleaded guilty to unlawfully distributing instructions for making explosive devices. He was sentenced in August to 30 months in prison.

For his part, Wilson began meeting an undercover FBI agent who was posing as an extremist collaborator. Wilson plotted to bomb a public building, and in March 2020, as coronavirus shutdowns were taking hold, Wilson decided to accelerate his plans and blow up a hospital treating covid-19 patients, according to investigators.

Wilson accepted an offer from an undercover agent of a truck he was told contained explosives. When authorities tried to take him into custody, Wilson fatally shot himself.

In congressional hearings in recent years, counterterrorism specialists and other witnesses told lawmakers the federal government needs more data on domestic terrorism to understand how to address the rising violence.

“Any expert is going to tell you that this is the most serious security threat to the American people today,” said Rep. Jamie B. Raskin (D-Md.), who held oversight hearings in 2019 that questioned the federal response to rising white-supremacist violence. “And yet we don’t have any good description of the magnitude and the dimensions of the problem.”

About this story

Details on The Post’s methodology and data can be found on GitHub.

Graphics and development by Leslie Shapiro. Design and development by Irfan Uraizee. Editing by Mary Pat Flaherty, Meghan Hoyer, Danielle Rindler and Matthew Callahan. Copy editing by Frances Moody. Project management by Julie Vitkovskaya.

Robert O’Harrow Jr. is an investigative and accountability reporter at The Washington Post.
Andrew Ba Tran is an investigative data reporter.
Derek Hawkins is a reporter covering national and breaking news. He previously covered cybersecurity for PowerPost and wrote about law, crime and politics for The Washington Post's Morning Mix.

05 April 2021

MOTHER JONES DAILY: One Police Officer Killed, Another Injured in Capitol Attack, Republicans sure seem happy to ditch Matt Gaetz, A medic at the Myanmar protests: "We don't count the dead.", Everything you need to know about "vaccine passports", No, Eric Greitens was never "exonerated" of sexual misconduct, Can America’s Problems Be Fixed by a President Who Loves Jon Meacham?, Remembering Robert Hershon, Poet of the “Mimeo Revolution” 2APR21

 


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April 2, 2021

The Capitol, which has been on high alert since the January 6 insurrection, is again on lockdown following an attack on Capitol Police officers today. A vehicle struck two officers, killing one and injuring another, authorities confirmed in a press briefing this afternoon.

The suspect was shot and killed by police after lunging at officers with a knife, according to the Metropolitan Police Department.

The National Guard is set to remain at the Capitol through May 23. We'll keep you posted with all the major updates here.

Enjoy your Easter, if you celebrate it, and I'll catch you back here on Monday.

Abigail Weinberg

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SOME GOOD NEWS, FOR ONCE

The New York Times has a touching obituary of the New York poet Robert Hershon, who died this week at 84. Across a 50-odd-year career, Hershon and his collaborators at the “self-editing” Hanging Loose Press—it started life as a binder of looseleaf poems you were free to keep or discard as you liked—published work by the writers Denise Levertov, Maggie Nelson, Cathy Park Hong, and Ha Jin, among countless others.

In a 2002 profile, a Brooklyn Rail interviewer recalled meeting Hershon and leaving with a pile of literature:

“One of the reasons the press has lasted so long is that we get a kick out of it,” Hershon says, choosing an armful of books to give me before I leave. “And one of the pleasures of a press is to be able to give books away.”…Then, glancing through the pile, he adds a book of his own. “There’s my old head,” he quips of a younger-looking jacket photograph, “I don’t know how I lost it.”

Hanging Loose’s first office, before it was a true press, was the legendary McSorley’s bar on Manhattan’s East Seventh Street; Hershon and his collaborators soon landed in Brooklyn digs, before small Brooklyn presses were a thing, and eventually bounced back to the island—powered throughout by Hershon’s tireless enthusiasm, love of new writers, and subversive wit. The Times obit reprints his “F Stop,” a subway poem from 1985:

Don’t push.
There is another F
train right behind us.

There’s another F
that’s faster and finer
than this F is.
It serves French fries
and frog legs.
All the seats face
front and are covered
with monkey fur. A flutist plays
melodies in F. It’s an
infinitely superior F train.
It’s right behind us.
Why don’t you wait?

Ah, because we know the
faces of those for whom
the trains have never come.
And we fear that what finally
roars from that sour tunnel
is fury itself.
There is another F train
right behind us.
Let some other fool wait.

And they start the push
toward home.

Poetry is more interesting than reporters talking about it, so go read the obituary and then read his work.

—Daniel Moattar

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