NORTON META TAG

Showing posts with label voters rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label voters rights. Show all posts

12 June 2018

BREAKING: Voting rights loss at SCOTUS & Supreme Court says yes to voter purges, giving Republicans another way to rig elections & Supreme Court Deals a Blow to Voting Rights and Invites More States to Purge Their Rolls 11JUN18

Image result for image jellyfish democrats
THE right wing fanatics of the republican party have worked for years to impose voter registration and voting restrictions  restrictions on minorities, the poor and students because these are generally Democratic voters. The have claimed rampant voter fraud in past elections, NOT MY pres drumpf/trump and his neo-nazi administration along with fascist republican state and federal politicians claim there were millions of fraudulent Democratic votes cast in the 2016 presidential election. They have NEVER been able to prove any of these mass voter fraud claims, most of these claims have been disproved. The republican's voter restrictions are moving forward and becoming law because they have been successful in getting weak, spineless jellyfish democrats to approve ultra conservative neo-con judges to the judiciary, fascist like neil gorsuch to the US Supreme Court (AFTER sen mitch mcconnell r KY denied Pres Obama's nominee to the court, Merrick Garland, a vote in the US Senate). Democrats need to block ALL nominations before the Senate until the new US Congress is sworn in after the November midterm elections. From the ACLU and Mother Jones.....
ACLU

The Supreme Court just rubber-stamped Ohio's voter suppression tactics in Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute. The decision gives Ohio the power to target voters who miss just one election cycle for removal from the rolls. This is despite the National Voter Registration Act's express prohibition on purging voters just because they don't vote. I'm furious, but I'm more driven than ever to defend our most fundamental right.

This decision is a gutting reminder that the Trump administration is determined to turn back the clock on our voting rights. For decades, the Justice Department maintained this type of voter purge was illegal, but under the Trump administration and Attorney General Sessions, the department switched sides and supported Ohio's unnecessary restrictions on the right to vote.

In the face of roadblocks to the polls, we must exercise our right to vote now more than ever. We must vote for leaders who will make voting easier – not harder. We must vote like our rights depend on it. Pledge now to be an ACLU Voter this election cycle.

Under Ohio's "Supplemental Process," if you miss just one election cycle, you risk losing your voter registration. The state wrongly assumes that voters who don't cast a ballot in two years have changed addresses, invalidating their current registrations. As a result, hundreds of thousands of Ohioans have been stripped of their right to vote, and many only find out when they arrive at the voting booth. And like every barrier to voting, people of color and those with low incomes are disenfranchised the most.

Let's be clear: Our right to vote isn't 'use it or lose it' – and this decision doesn't give states a green light to kick eligible voters off the roll without notice.

We must do everything we can to defend our most fundamental right – by showing up to vote this fall. Our democracy is strongest when every voice can be heard, when every eligible citizen can cast a ballot and have it counted. Pledge to be an ACLU Voter so that we can continue to exercise this fundamental right and make voting accessible for all.

Thanks for defending our democracy,

Anthony D. Romero

Anthony D. Romero
ACLU Executive Director



Supreme Court says yes to voter purges, giving Republicans another way to rig elections

 The Supreme Court dealt yet another blow to voting rights on Monday, this time giving states the go-ahead to purge their voter rolls, a practice that disproportionately targets Democratic-leaning populations and in particular people of color:
The case hinged on interpretation of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA), a 1993 civil rights law intended to increase voter registration and participation. But in recent years, some conservative activists began using certain provisions of the law to force states to more aggressively purge their rolls. Those provisions govern what’s known as “list maintenance,” and their stated purpose is to remove people who have moved or passed away. But election officials instead sometimes use list maintenance to remove eligible voters—particularly poor ones and people of color—because they haven’t voted frequently enough. [...]
The court’s 5-4 decision is likely to resurrect an era that the NVRA was meant to end. The practice of purging voters dates back more than 100 years. Just as today, it was justified as a necessary tool to thwart fraud and maintain the integrity of elections. But in practice, it was often used to suppress the votes of those who might not support the party in power. The result of the aggressive purges was that Americans participated in elections at a far lower rate than citizens of other Western democracies.
And low election participation rates is just what Republicans want—so Republican-controlled states will doubtless take this anti-democratic Supreme Court decision and run with it, giving Republicans yet another advantage in an increasingly rigged system.

Supreme Court Deals a Blow to Voting Rights and Invites More States to Purge Their Rolls

The court sided with Ohio’s Republican secretary of state, who had aggressively removed infrequent voters from the rolls.

The Supreme Court dealt a big blow to voting rights Monday, in a decision that is likely to green-light aggressive purging of voter rolls across the country.
The case originated in Ohio, where the Republican secretary of state manages an aggressive program of removing infrequent voters from the rolls. The effect of this effort is that thousands of eligible voters are removed from the rolls, and strong evidence suggests that the policy causes minorities in heavily Democratic areas to be purged disproportionately. People who are removed are not informed, so they’re often unable to re-register before an election takes place, and lose their ability to vote. 
The case hinged on interpretation of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA), a 1993 civil rights law intended to increase voter registration and participation. But in recent years, some conservative activists began using certain provisions of the law to force states to more aggressively purge their rolls. Those provisions govern what’s known as “list maintenance,” and their stated purpose is to remove people who have moved or passed away. But election officials instead sometimes use list maintenance to remove eligible voters—particularly poor ones and people of color—because they haven’t voted frequently enough.
The state of Ohio sends a notice every year to voters who have not cast a ballot in the previous two-year cycle. Voters are asked to respond to the notice, update their registration online, or vote sometime in the next four years. If they do none of these things, they are removed from the rolls, ostensibly in an effort to prevent voter fraud by removing ineligible names. The issue before the court was whether this process violates the NVRA’s prohibition on removing voters because of their failure to cast a ballot. The conservative majority, in an opinion by Justice Samuel Alito, found it did not, because it doesn’t rely solely on a person’s failure to vote, and because the provision does allow states to consider people’s voting history in their efforts to locate ineligible voters. But the majority did not grapple with the effects of the policy. 
The result of the policy is that voting becomes harder for thousands of people, particularly minority and poor citizens. Reuters analyzed Ohio’s three largest counties and found that people in Democratic-leaning neighborhoods were removed at twice the rate of people in Republican areas, and that “neighborhoods that have a high proportion of poor, African-American residents are hit hardest.”

The court’s 5-4 decision is likely to resurrect an era that the NVRA was meant to end. The practice of purging voters dates back more than 100 years. Just as today, it was justified as a necessary tool to thwart fraud and maintain the integrity of elections. But in practice, it was often used to suppress the votes of those who might not support the party in power. The result of the aggressive purges was that Americans participated in elections at a far lower rate than citizens of other Western democracies. Purges were often more aggressive in Southern states, particularly after the civil rights movement removed other barriers, such as poll taxes, for African Americans to cast ballots. The NVRA was meant to solve this problem, and it specifically prohibited states from removing people from the rolls “by reason of the person’s failure to vote.”
In a fiery dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor accused her conservative colleagues of ignoring the ramifications of their decision and the history of discrimination behind voter purges like Ohio’s. “Congress enacted the NVRA against the backdrop of substantial efforts by States to disenfranchise low-income and minority voters,” she wrote. In allowing Ohio’s program to continue, the court is “sanctioning the very purging that Congress expressly sought to protect against.” Until the NVRA, states used annual registration requirements and purges that, Sotomayor noted, kept turnout low among African Americans and immigrants. And Ohio’s program, she wrote, likewise had a disproportionate effect on minority and poor voters, as well as disabled voters and veterans. 
In fall 2016, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals found that Ohio’s policy violated this NVRA provision. The ruling forced Ohio to reinstate 7,500 voters it had purged in time for the 2016 elections. But the Supreme Court’s majority opinion overrules the lower court’s decision.
The Justice Department opposed Ohio’s practice during the Obama administration. But it reversed its stance under Attorney General Jeff Sessions—one of many voting rights cases in which the Trump administration has come down in favor of making it harder to vote.
In recent years, Republican activists have sought to weaken other core provisions of the NVRA. Kris Kobach, Kansas’ Republican secretary of state and the public face of the conservative movement to limit access to the polls, has drafted legislation to amend the NVRA so that he and other election officials can require people to provide proof of citizenship in order to register—a move that would once again have an outsized impact on low-income and minority citizens.

02 March 2013

In Voting Rights Arguments, Chief Justice Misconstrued Census Data & Chief Justice Roberts' Long War Against the Voting Rights Act 1MAR&27FEB13

THE 1965 Voting Rights Act, which protects the right of all Americans to vote, is before the Supreme Court. This is just another example of the gop / tea-bagger assault on our civil liberties as they try to dismantle, piece by piece, the US Constitution, their goal being the evisceration of the government a la grover norquist and the consolidation of power by the rich and corporate America. The effectiveness or their propaganda campaign, based on lies, manipulation and misrepresentation, can be seen in the glaring example of how the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court misconstrued census data. Obviously he is getting his information from fox news, and that doesn't bode well for the decision on this case. And there is further reason for concern. Read Mother Jones' article on Justice Roberts' long running  battle to totally destroy the VRA. From NPR and Mother Jones......

Chief Justice John Roberts, shown here during a presentation last June in Pennsylvania, questioned the U.S. solicitor general about voting statistics during this week's arguments on Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.
Ann Wilkins/AP
At the voting rights argument in the Supreme Court on Wednesday, Chief Justice John Roberts tore into Solicitor General Donald Verrilli, grilling him on his knowledge of voting statistics.
The point the chief justice was trying to make was that Massachusetts, which is not covered by the preclearance section of the Voting Rights Act, has a far worse record in black voter registration and turnout than Mississippi, which is covered by Section 5 of the act.
But a close look at census statistics indicates the chief justice was wrong, or at least that he did not look at the totality of the numbers.
So, let's start with the exchange in court:
Roberts: "Do you know which state has the worst ratio of white voter turnout to African-American voter turnout?"
Verrilli: "I do not."
Roberts: "Massachusetts."
Roberts went on to add that the state with the best record, where African-American turnout actually exceeds white turnout, is Mississippi.
Roberts' questions and conclusion appear to be taken from a census survey cited in a lower court dissent. But upon close examination, the numbers are less than reliable, according to the Census Bureau itself.
Here's the deal. The Census Bureau does voting surveys to look at voting patterns nationwide, but the survey is based on a very small sample. Most recently, in 2010, the survey looked at 94,208 voters nationwide. Break that up into roughly proportional samples in each state, Census officials say, and it is really not possible to compare states because those with relatively low minority populations have a much higher margin of error.
The number of black citizens eligible to vote in Massachusetts is 236,000, while it is 721,000 in Mississippi, more than three times that number. Therefore, according to Census officials, when looking at the estimated turnout rate in Massachusetts, the voting percentage for African-Americans at first blush is estimated at 39.3 percent. But the margin of error is 11.5 percentage points, meaning that the black voter turnout actually could be as high as 50.8 percent (or, conversely, as low as 27.8 percent).
Now, look at Mississippi, where black turnout is listed at 48.7 percent. But because of the large size of the African-American population that was sampled, the margin of error is only 5.4 percentage points.
That means that factoring in the margin of error, the black turnout rate in Mississippi could be as high as 54.1 percent, or as low as 43.3 percent.
So, if you factor in the margins of error at their extremes — with Mississippi at the low end and Massachusetts at the high end — Mississippi could have had a black voter turnout rate that was 7.5 percentage points lower than Massachusetts.
Bottom line, as Census officials told me, these numbers are simply not reliable for state-by-state comparisons because of the high margins of error in some states
http://www.npr.org/blogs/itsallpolitics/2013/03/01/173276943/in-voting-rights-arguments-chief-justice-may-have-misconstrued-census-data

Chief Justice Roberts' Long War Against the Voting Rights Act



Roberts has been a critic of the Voting Rights Act for 30 years. Now he will help decide whether the law's most important section lives or dies.





Then-President George W. Bush nominates John Roberts as chief justice on September 5, 2005. 
When he was in his late 20s, John Roberts was a foot soldier in the Reagan administration's crusade against the Voting Rights Act. Now, as chief justice of the Supreme Court, he will help determine whether a key part of the law survives a constitutional challenge.
Memos that Roberts wrote as a lawyer in President Reagan's Justice Department during the 1980s show that he was deeply involved in efforts to curtail the effectiveness of the Voting Rights Act, the hard-won landmark 1965 law that is intended to ensure all Americans can vote. Roberts' anti-VRA efforts during the 1980s ultimately failed. But on Wednesday, when the Supreme Court hears oral arguments in Shelby County v. Holder, he'll get another chance to gut the law. Roberts' history suggests a crucial part of the VRA may not survive the rematch.
At issue in Shelby County is whether a major portion of the Voting Rights Act, called Section 5, is constitutional. Section 5 compels jurisdictions with a history of discrimination, mostly in the South, to ask the Justice Department for permission—preclearance, in legalese—before making any changes to election laws. Shelby County, Alabama, is arguing that Section 5 is an extreme measure that is no longer justified because racism is no longer the problem it once was. If Section 5 is overturned, voting rights groups say, the federal government's ability to ensure Americans are not denied the right to vote on the basis of race—at a time when race has been used as a proxy for party identification—will be severely weakened.
Shelby County offers Roberts an opportunity to complete a mission he began three decades ago. When the chief justice was a young lawyer, in 1981, Southern legislators hoped an ascendant conservative movement could pressure Reagan into opposing an extension of the VRA. In June of that year, Reagan wrote a letter to Attorney General William French Smith requesting an "assessment" of the law. "I am sensitive to the controversy which has attached itself to some of the Act's provisions, in particular those provisions which impose burdens unequally upon different parts of the nation," Reagan wrote. "But I am sensitive also to the fact that the spirit of the Act marks this nation's commitment to full equality for all Americans, regardless of race, color, or national origin." Reagan didn't go as far as former segregationist and then-Sen. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) by opposing the Voting Rights Act in its entirety, but his administration fought efforts to strengthen the law.

Roberts was a major player in the Reagan administration's VRA policy, drafting numerous op-eds and memos for top Justice Department officials that argued for a weaker version of the law. At the time, crucial parts of the VRA were due to expire, but congressional Democrats and moderate Republicans weren't just trying to renew the law—they were also trying to strengthen the law. After the VRA was enacted, it was interpreted as barring all discriminatory voting practices. In 1980, however, the Supreme Court, in a case involving the election rules in Mobile, Alabama,weakened the law by ruling that, except in those jurisdictions with a sordid history of blocking minority voters, the VRA only forbade intentional discrimination. Civil rights activists wanted to fix that by modifying the law to make it crystal clear that all discrimination in voting practices, not just intentional discrimination, was illegal.

Roberts wasn't having it. Voting rights violations, according to one memo he helped draft in 1981, "should not be too easy to prove since they provide a basis for the most intrusive interference imaginable." If Roberts and the Reagan administration had gotten their way, discriminatory voting systems in most of the country could only be barred when discrimination could be shown to be intentional. That would make it much tougher for the feds to intervene in states and localities and guarantee equal voting rights. The Reagan administration argued that they were just trying to preserve the Voting Rights Act, but it was really attempting to preserve a Supreme Court ruling neutering the law. 
Roberts helped the administration hone its argument. He wrote that it made sense for parts of the VRA to require proof that discrimination was intentional. "Broad aspects of criminal law and tort law typically require proof of intent," Roberts wrote in a draft op-ed in 1981. Allowing the VRA to apply in cases of unintentional discrimination all over the country and not just those places with a history of disenfranchising minorities, Roberts insisted, "would raise grave constitutional questions." In the case of Mobile, the Justice Department's voting rights attorneys eventually did prove the discrimination was intentional—by heading to Alabama and poring over the historical record to establish the election law had been passed deliberately to disenfranchise blacks.
To Roberts, that demonstrated there was no problem with requiring the government to prove that discrimination was intentional. "John Roberts and others used that case to say anyone who wants to prove intent could do it," explains Gerry Hebert, an attorney now with the Campaign Legal Center who was part of the Justice Department team that went to Alabama. But proving intent "took enormous resources that only the Justice Department could have." More important, says Hebert, having to prove "intent" placed voting rights attorneys in a difficult position: "You basically have to get judges to call local or state officials racist."
Despite the best efforts of Roberts and others in the Reagan Justice Department, civil rights activists outmaneuvered Southern conservatives and the Reagan White House, forging large bipartisan alliances in the House and Senate to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act in 1982. And they strengthened the law, amending it to explicitly ban all discriminatory voting rules across the country, whether the discrimination is intentional or not.
Civil rights leaders and Voting Rights Act supporters in Congress had succeeded by embracing an idea that they had initially opposed—and that Roberts and the Reagan administration supported. It was called the bailout provision, and it provided a way for jurisdictions with a history of discrimination to prove they no longer needed close Justice Department supervision under Section 5. By accepting this compromise, VRA backers won the overall political battle.
Now, VRA defenders are hoping that it's Roberts who is in a conciliatory mood and not set on eviscerating the law as the Reaganites wanted to do three decades ago. Is there reason for such hope? Roberts' defenders have long argued that his Justice Department writings merely show that he was being a good soldier when he was in the Reagan administration. "The defense was that Roberts was just a government lawyer taking the position of his boss," explains Rick Hasen, a professor at the University of California-Irvine School of Law who wrote about the memos during Roberts' 2005 confirmation hearings.
But in 2009, when an earlier challenge to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act reached the Supreme Court, Roberts sounded a lot like Reagan during oral arguments. He echoed the late president's view that Section 5 represented an unconscionable punishment for the South's past sins. "Congress can impose this disparate treatment forever because of the history in the South?" Roberts asked the government attorney defending the law.
In his subsequent opinion in the 2009 VRA case, in which the court seemed close to striking down Section 5, Roberts wrote that the government had made the bailout provision "all but a nullity." In the three years since that verdict, however, more than 100 jurisdictions have been allowed to bail out of Section 5—more than twice as many in the nearly three decades before. It's not even that expensive to bail out; the usual cost is $5,000. The reason Shelby County hasn't been able to take advantage of the bailout provision is that in 2006, county election officials redistricted the only black city council member in one of the county's towns out of a job.
Roberts and conservative opponents of a strong Voting Rights Act may have lost in 1982, but in 2012, they're poised for a victory: The Supreme Court appears ready to strike down Section 5. Defending Reagan's support for the bailout provision in 1982, Roberts wrote that bailout rules "should be addressed by Congress, and not pushed into the courts." Roberts was arguing that elected officials, not judges, should make the rules governing when jurisdictions like Shelby County should be able to escape Section 5. 
Has he changed his mind?



Reporter

Adam Serwer is a reporter at the Washington, DC, bureau of Mother Jones. For more of his stories, click here. You can also follow him on Twitter. Email tips and insights to aserwer [at] motherjones [dot] com. RSS | 

20 February 2013

Practical Progress: What 'Bird by Bird' Can Teach US About Changing The World 20FEB13

PRACTICAL PROGRESS NEWSLETTER from the Agenda Project, reports from the world of Bold Progressive activism....


Back by popular demand, today we bring you the inaugural issue of our re-imagined Practical Progress newsletter which offers influential progressives a now-weekly, smart, insightful, actually ‘brief’ briefing on the most important News From The Movement.
As we continue our collective Road Trip to Progress (Are we there yet?! Are we there yet?!), we remind ourselves that a journey of 1,000 miles is . . .really, really, long; irritatingly slow; and only has so-so scenery. 
So to pass the time we re-read (for the 912th time) Anne Lamott’s Instructions on Writing and Life, taking comfort in her words:
"Thirty years ago my older brother, who was ten years old at the time, was trying to get a report on birds written that he'd had three months to write. It was due the next day. We were out at our family cabin in Bolinas, and he was at the kitchen table close to tears, surrounded by binder paper and pencils and unopened books on birds, immobilized by the hugeness of the task ahead. Then my father sat down beside him, put his arm around my brother's shoulder, and said, 'Bird by bird, buddy.  Just take it bird by bird.'"
These are our favorite Birds. 
                    
PRACTICAL PROGRESS: The Agenda Project Action Fund’s actually ‘brief’ briefing on the most important News from the Progressive Movement.  
All You Need is a Gun License to Vote
Yesterday, Center for American Progress published a five-point primer on why protecting Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act during the Supreme Court’s hearing of Shelby County v. Holder on Feb 27th is critical for preventing voter-suppression laws from rising up in 16 states. Section 5 requires states with historically discriminatory voting practices to seek 'pre-clearance' with the DOJ or a three-judge court in DC before making any legal changes to their voting laws. Highlight from CAP’s primer:without Section 5, Texas would have considered concealed handgun licenses a valid form of voter ID, but not college or state employee IDs. (For more progressive substance on Section 5 this month, check out these pieces from:Brennan Center for JusticeAmerican Constitution SocietyLawyer’s Committee on Civil RightsColor of ChangeAsian American Legal Defense and Education Fund, America Votes, and NAACP).
Mark your Calendar: In defense of Section 5, Alliance for Justice will host a Twitter Town Hall on Feb 26th, a rally in front of the Supreme Court in D.C. on Feb 27th, and provide analysis on their blog Justice Watch after the hearing.
Facebook Profits: $1.1 Billion, Facebook Tax Bill: $0
A new Citizens for Tax Justice report shows that while Facebook will not be paying any federal or state taxes this year in spite of turning over $ 1.1 billion in profits, it is expecting to get $429 million back in net tax refunds. In a footnote on Facebook’s January financial statements, CTJ found that the company’s half a billion dollar refunds result from taking advantage of a single (and legal) corporate tax break: the tax deductibility of executive stock options. CTJ’s Rebecca Wilkins, Senior Counsel on Federal Tax Policy, says: Why does the company get to take a deduction for stock option compensation, when it didn't cost them a dime? If Mark Zuckerberg won the lottery tomorrow, would we expect Facebook to get a tax deduction for his winnings? Stock options have pretty much the same impact on a company's income as do lottery winnings." In a similar report last year, CTJ identified the stock option tax break as one of the reasons why Fortune 500 companies pay so little taxes. (See CTJ’s Facebook report in BusinessWeekGawker, and The Atlantic).
And on a much lighter economic (read: pathetic) note today: Sorry Boehner, You Can’t Rewrite Sequester History!
99 PROBLEMS
Fox News prime-time hosts and their guests have used the terms ‘Illegals,” “Illegal Aliens,” and “Anchor Babies” 99 times since the election, even though these terms are banned on Fox News’ website for Latinos, according to a new Media Matters research analysis released on Tuesday. In an interview with The New Republic a few days ago, Fox President Roger Ailes admitted that Fox News really needs to find a new message on immigration.
Presente’s Movement Building Director Ana Perez says: “Fox can't have it both ways, loving Latinos on Fox Latino and hating Latinos on Fox in English. If Fox really wants to enter the Latino media market in a serious way, Roger Ailes needs to steer the network away from racial profiling and immigrant scapegoating. The Latino community knows this about Fox and we don't appreciate it. As the Univision-ABC Latino venture and other new Latino media initiatives indicate, you either lose the bigotry or lose the Latino market.”
In other immigration news, kudos to Progress Michigan for working hand-in-hand with Alliance for Immigrant Rights on getting Michigan Secretary of State Ruth Johnson (R) to finally begin granting driver’s licenses to DREAMers this month.
Ken Cuccinelli is a Breath of Fresh Air
On Monday, American Bridge launched a website outlining passages that are “extreme by any standards” from VA Attorney General and aspiring Governor Ken Cuccinelli’s new book, The Last Line of Defense. According to the most overtly partisan Attorney General in Virginia history: “Carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases like methane were pollutants dangerous to public health because they allegedly caused global warming. Yet carbon dioxide is what we exhale every second of the day. It keeps the trees alive and allows them to make the oxygen that keeps us alive. It’s a wonderful symbiotic system that sustains life on earth. But to environmentalists, carbon dioxide is a slow killer” (p10). *See also: American Bridge’s Part-Time Cuccinelli video and Planned Parenthood Action Fund’s Keep Ken Out, which MIGHT explain this from WaPo: “Democrats urge sales of Cuccinelli Book (h/t The Atlas Project). Update: HuffPo reports Terry McAuliffe and Ken Cuccinelli are running dead even in the polls today – yikes!
JUST RELEASED:
  • The League of Conservation Voters launched a new Environmental Scorecard revealing whether members of Congress stood with the people or polluters last year. According to LCV President Gene KarpinskiThis was hands down, the most anti-environmental House of Representatives ever.”
  • Advancement Project launched a new website to end the Schoolhouse to Jailhouse Track. Must-read: The Top 12 Reasons to end the School-to-Prison Pipeline. (If you haven’t already, check out these awesome pictures of Advancement Project Co-Director Judith Browne-Dianis with Michelle Obama’s special SOTU guest, 102-year old Desiline Victor and Practical Progress’ 2012 MDV (‘Most Determined Voter’).
AWAKE THE STATE
On March 5th, Floridians will rally across the state in a growing grassroots chorus of discontent with Governor Rick Scott. They will demand lawmakers to undo the damage of the 2011 voting law that notoriously caused Floridians to wait in line for up to 8 hours to vote last year (Find out more here). Central Organizers of ‘Awake The State’are: Progress Florida, Florida Watch Action, and America Votes.
Americans for Financial Reform issued a letter last week criticizing 43 Senate Republicans for attempting to filibuster Richard Cordray’s appointment to Director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Lending full support to Cordray’s nomination, the letter accosts Republicans for exercising “extreme political brinkmanship of refusing to consider a well qualified nominee in order to extract changes in the law,” adding that their effort to block Cordray in order to “relitigate policies would hold hostage not just the CFPB director, but the future well-being of consumers, financial markets, and the economy.”
Email tips, news, and reactions to Practical Progress Editor, Shruti Sehgal at ssehgal@agendaproject.org (and add her email to your safe-list).
Make sure you SUBSCRIBE to our Practical Progress Newsletter. (We only send one newsletter per week. Trust us, it’s worth it).
Find out more about Practical Progress at www.practicalprogress.org.