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Showing posts with label U.S. Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label U.S. Supreme Court. Show all posts

09 June 2025

What Trump's national emergencies could mean for American democracy 9JUN25


PROJECT 2025 IS "CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM"

 NOT MY pres drumpf / trump, NOT MY vp vance, their neo-nazi administration and the fascist gop / greed over people-republican party controlling congress are a serious threat to democratic Republic. Their loyality is to project 2025 not to the U.S. Constitution. Too many people still do not want to believe democracy can be replaced in this country as it was in Germany, Spain, Italy, or is being replaced in Hungary, Israel, India, and almost every country in Central and South America. drumpf's / trump's nationalization / federalization of the California National Guard is one of the latest steps to turn America into an authoritarian theocratic oligarchy. ( BY the by, note in the picture of drumpf / trump being sworn in as president that his hand is not on the Bible Melania is holding. He says every time he touches one "IT BURNS, IT BURNS!" )This from NPR.....

What Trump's national emergencies could mean for American democracy

The United States is currently dealing with multiple emergencies at once, according to President Trump's administration. There's a national emergency at the southern border, an energy emergency and an economic emergency, to name a few — and the president has used these to enact some of his most wide-reaching policies, from pushing fossil fuel production to seeking to complete the border wall with Mexico and setting steep and sweeping tariffs.

While presidential use of emergency powers has been on the rise in recent administrations, Trump invoked them eight times in his first 100 days in office, more than any other modern president has done in the same period.

Challenges to Trump's emergency orders have yet to reach the Supreme Court, but legal experts worry his use of them could lead to an upending of the constitutional balance of power if the Supreme Court sides with the administration, essentially giving the president free rein to do more without congressional approval.

"This is pedal to the metal on executive power," says Kim Lane Scheppele, a professor of sociology and international affairs at Princeton University who is a scholar on the use of emergency powers.

Some courts have ruled that Trump is exceeding his power, particularly in regard to tariffs, and appeals are ongoing. But Scheppele says the Trump administration expects a friendly reception if a legal challenge to the president's emergency powers reaches the Supreme Court — and it seems likely that it will.

"The point of it is to get the case to the Supreme Court when he thinks he's got a majority, to give him unlimited power," she says. "I mostly study the fall of democracies in other places, and it's through this expansion of unlimited executive power. I'm worried that's the path we're on."

The White House defends Trump's use of emergency powers.

"President Trump is rightfully enlisting his emergency powers to quickly rectify four years of failure and fix the many catastrophes he inherited from Joe Biden," White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told NPR in a statement, citing border security, the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, climate regulations, inflation and trade deficits.

Trump is sworn in as the 47th president of the United States by Chief Justice John Roberts as Melania Trump holds the Bible on Jan. 20, 2025.

Trump is sworn in as the 47th president of the United States by Chief Justice John Roberts as Melania Trump holds the Bible on Jan. 20. Trump invoked emergencies eight times in his first 100 days in office.

Morry Gash/AFP via Getty Images 

At the same time, critics argue that several of Trump's declarations are not, in fact, immediate emergencies — and therefore should be dealt with through policy put into legislation by Congress.

For example, Trump declared a "national energy emergency," which says the U.S. needs "a reliable, diversified, and affordable supply of energy" to make up for the nation's "inadequate energy supply and infrastructure." The U.S. is not currently facing a fuel shortage.

Or when Trump declared America's "large and persistent" trade deficit a national emergencysaying that it constitutes "an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and economy of the United States." The U.S. has been running a trade deficit for decades.

What is an emergency power?

A president can declare a national emergency at any time, without approval from Congress.

That declaration allows presidents to temporarily enhance their executive powers, with the idea being that passing laws through Congress is too slow in rare moments of crisis and the president needs the flexibility to act quickly and send resources where they are needed.

But what constitutes an "emergency" has never been defined by law — creating a system of trust around the president to be able to identify an emergency.

Essentially, it's an emergency if the president says it is.

"Emergency powers are a little bit scary," Elizabeth Goitein of the Brennan Center for Justice, a progressive law and policy organization, recently told NPR's Morning Edition. "The entire purpose of them is to give the president a degree of legal leeway that Congress does not think would be appropriate during nonemergency times."

Goitein and her colleagues compiled a list of about 150 legal powers — many of which have never been used — that a president can unlock by declaring a national emergency. While some do require congressional approval to enact, most don't, and she points out that many of those legal powers leave room for interpretation.

"One would hope that the courts would stand as a bulwark. But Congress did provide this sweeping power to the president with very few safeguards built in," she says.

How does Trump compare to other recent presidents?

Trump has declared eight national emergencies so far in his second term and 13 in his first term — 21 total so far. For comparison, during his four years, President Joe Biden declared 11, President Barack Obama declared 12 in his eight years, while George W. Bush declared 14, according to data compiled by the Brennan Center.

It's not just the rate of Trump's use of emergency powers that's alarming to constitutional experts, it's also what he is using them for.

Presidents have often used emergency powers for things like freezing assets or imposing sanctions on specific foreign entities, or in times of notable crisis like after the 9/11 attacks or during the COVID-19 pandemic (a national emergency declared by Trump in his first term and later ended by Biden).

Legal experts say this time around, Trump is primarily using emergencies to try to carry out his domestic priorities more quickly than trying to pass laws through Congress — which is the traditional constitutional check on executive power.

"In President Trump's second term, we've seen really heavy reliance on emergency powers to implement the president's policy agenda," says Goitein. "The majority of these declarations appear designed to get around Congress on policy questions. That is an inappropriate use of emergency powers."

Trump participates in a ceremony commemorating the 200th mile of border wall at the international border with Mexico in San Luis, Arizona, in 2020.

Trump participates in a ceremony commemorating the 200th mile of border wall at the international border with Mexico in San Luis, Ariz., in 2020. He declared a national emergency to help fund the wall.

Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images

Goitein says that pattern started in Trump's first term, when he declared a national emergency to help fund the southern border wall after Congress didn't approve the full amount. That move triggered lawsuits, but the cases didn't reach the Supreme Court before Biden took office and overrode the border emergency.

Biden also then continued that pattern, using emergency powers to forgive student loan debt after Congress blocked his plan. That was ultimately struck down by the Supreme Court.

Elena Chachko, an assistant professor of law at Berkeley Law School, says it's the president's pushing of boundaries — and the legal challenges that follow — that will ultimately define how emergency powers can be used.

"This is what happens when you take an instrument that has been very useful for many administrations, for many years, and now you overextend it," she says. "You use it to do novel things with questionable legal basis, and what you do is invite pushback and invite criticism and invite limitations."

Limitations on emergency powers

Those limitations — if they happen — won't happen quickly. And they aren't guaranteed.

In 1976, Congress passed the National Emergencies Act in an attempt to put some limits on emergency powers, largely in response to President Richard Nixon's secret expansion of the Vietnam War in Cambodia without congressional approval. That act said, basically, that Congress could terminate an emergency declaration at any time with what was called a "legislative veto."

But in 1983, in an unrelated case, the Supreme Court ruled legislative vetoes unconstitutional, making it much more difficult for Congress to interfere.

Congress may still end a national emergency, but such steps are exceedingly rare, in part because they require the support of a two-thirds majority in both chambers to succeed.

"We may be reaching a point in which there is going to be a sense of, OK, even the reining in that happened in the '70s is no longer sufficient," says Jennifer Hillman, a professor at Georgetown University Law Center. "And maybe Trump is pushing that envelope in terms of how far he's going, and wanting, if you will, the unitary executive, this notion that the president is all powerful."

One way to limit that power is through legislation. There was a bipartisan effort for such reform back in 2019, after Trump's border wall declaration. It was overwhelmingly popular in committee votes in both the House and Senate, but has stalled since.

WASHINGTON, DC - JUNE 05: A pedestrian is seen close to the U.S. Supreme Court on June 5, 2023 in Washington, DC. The Supreme Court is expected to issue outstanding rulings throughout the month of June. (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images)

The White House intends to take any legal challenges all the way to the Supreme Court.

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Another way is through the courts. Legal challenges to several of Trump's emergency declarations, particularly in relation to tariffs, have been working their way through the courts, with some courts saying Trump has exceeded his power. The administration has appealed.

In May, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said the administration didn't intend to back down. "We expect to fight this battle all the way to the Supreme Court," she said, talking about the challenges to Trump's tariffs.

Several legal experts NPR talked to are split on predictions for what the Supreme Court might decide in that case. But Scheppele, the professor at Princeton University, says that decision would be about more than tariffs.

"I'm extremely worried that there's a bigger thing at stake here," she says. "What I'm really worried about is that these are being set up as test cases to say: Can the Congress require the president to follow rules that Congress has set when it comes to declaring emergencies?"

And, she says, if the courts ultimately decide the answer to that question is no, that could put the constitutional balance of power at stake.


18 April 2025

Supreme Court will review Trump’s attempt to ban birthright citizenship 17APR25




 THIS is when the Supreme Court decides if the United States will remain a democratic Republic or a neo-nazi, fascist authoritarian theocratic oligarchy. From the Washington Post ...

Supreme Court will review Trump’s attempt to ban birthright citizenship


President Donald Trump’s birthright citizenship ban would deny automatic citizenship for newborns if neither parent is a U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident.

The Supreme Court said Thursday that it will review President Donald Trump’s attempt to ban automatic U.S. citizenship for children born to undocumented immigrants and foreign visitors, scheduling a special court session for next month.

The administration had asked the justices to lift or narrow nationwide orders blocking Trump’s birthright citizenship executive action, which Democratic-led states and immigrant advocacy organizations say is at odds with the nation’s history, past court rulings and the Constitution.

In a brief order, the justices put off a decision about the lower court rulings and instead scheduled oral argument for May 15.

Trump’s order would deny citizenship for new babies if neither parent is a U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident, a population that some studies have estimated at more than 150,000 newborns per year. Judges in lawsuits joined by 22 states and D.C. have blocked the citizenship ban nationwide while litigation continues.

The Justice Department had urged the Supreme Court to limit those lower-court orders to the individuals or states behind the lawsuits while the cases make their way through the court system, or to at least allow the relevant federal agencies to begin developing plans and issuing public guidance for banning birthright citizenship if Trump’s effort eventually passes legal muster. Presidents from both parties — and several Supreme Court justices — have raised concerns about the power of a single judge to block an administration’s initiative nationwide.

The court’s decision to take up the administration’s emergency request and add a new case to its calendar shows the justices are giving weight to the matter. Based on the ask from Trump’s lawyers, the argument is expected to focus on the scope of the nationwide orders blocking Trump’s policy and whether individual states have legal grounds or standing to bring the challenge — rather than a direct review of the constitutionality of the administration’s proposal.

Solicitor General D. John Sauer used the administration’s request to sharply criticize nationwide injunctions, which have halted many of Trump’s efforts to dismantle federal agencies, curb spending and shrink the size of the federal workforce. The administration has asked the Supreme Court to pause or overturn several such rulings.

“The need for this Court’s intervention has become urgent as universal injunctions have reached tsunami levels,” Sauer wrote in his filing, which pointed to a total of 28 nationwide orders issued by judges in February and March.

Trump has had a mixed record at the Supreme Court in his second term, with the justices backing lower-court orders to restart foreign aid funding and to release a wrongly deported Maryland man from a brutal megaprison in El Salvador. The justices also made clear in a separate case that immigrants subject to deportation orders must be able to challenge the administration’s efforts to invoke a rarely used wartime statute to remove them from the country.

In response to other emergency requests, however, the justices sided with Trump, pausing an order requiring the government to rehire probationary federal employees and allowing the administration to freeze the payment of teacher grants while litigation on those cases continues.

In some cases — including the mistaken deportation of Kilmar Abrego García — the high court’s technical, procedural orders against Trump have left Justice Department lawyers an opening to push back and refuse to immediately comply with orders issued in lower courts.

Attorney General Pam Bondi and other administration officials have accused lower-court judges of overstepping their authority in Trump-related lawsuits, especially when the judges issue nationwide injunctions against a particular policy, as happened with birthright citizenship.

Nationwide injunctions were rarely issued before the 1960s, but their use has increased in recent years in a polarized political environment. Judges issued six injunctions against the policies of President George W. Bush, 12 against President Barack Obama’s initiatives and 64 against Trump’s agenda in his first term, according to data compiled by the Harvard Law Review. President Joe Biden had 14 injunctions issued against his priorities.

Lawmakers in Congress have proposed limiting nationwide injunctions, and several justices, including Neil M. Gorsuch, Clarence Thomas and Elena Kagan, have expressed concern about the phenomenon.

Supporters say nationwide injunctions are an efficient way to halt potentially illegal government action and to avoid multiple parties filing overlapping lawsuits against policies with national implications, such as immigration.

“The Trump administration is breaking norms and rewriting the way government does business,” said University of Virginia law professor Amanda Frost, an immigration expert. “Nationwide injunctions are the only way to hold the line in a rapidly shifting legal environment and to prevent the executive branch from unilaterally changing the law.”

At issue in the birthright citizenship case is the 14th Amendment, adopted after the Civil War in 1868 to establish citizenship for freed Black Americans, as well as “all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof.” The citizenship clause reversed the Supreme Court’s infamous decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford, which had denied citizenship to Black Americans.

“Birthright citizenship was enshrined in the Constitution in the wake of the Civil War, is backed by a long line of Supreme Court precedent and ensures that something as fundamental as American citizenship cannot be turned on or off at the whims of a single man,” New Jersey Attorney General Matthew J. Platkin, who is leading a coalition of Democratic attorneys general challenging the citizenship ban, said in a statement Thursday.

“Stripping hundreds of thousands of American-born children of their citizenship would inflict tremendous and irreparable harms on the States and the public.”

Trump and his allies say they have the authority to ban birthright citizenship because unauthorized immigrants are in the country without permanent legal status and, therefore, are not “subject to the jurisdiction” of the U.S. government. Since the 1990s, some restrictionist groups and Republican lawmakers have pressed to ban birthright citizenship, which they consider an incentive for people to enter or remain in the country illegally.

“The Citizenship Order is lawful and restores the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment,” Sauer said in a filing. “A policy of near-universal birthright citizenship rewards lawbreaking and creates powerful incentives for illegal migration.”

In a statement Thursday, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) said, “I have long believed that the 14th amendment does not require granting citizenship to the children of illegal aliens or foreign nationals here on temporary, nonimmigrant visas,” and the senator added that he hopes the Supreme Court will “settle this issue once and for all.”

Most legal scholars have rejected that analysis, however, because noncitizens can be arrested and charged with crimes, put in jail or deported. There is also wide agreement that Trump’s argument would require a reinterpretation of the 14th Amendment — and that it conflicts with settled Supreme Court precedent that protects citizenship for most everyone born on U.S. soil, except for the children of foreign diplomats.

The Supreme Court upheld the guarantee of birthright citizenship in 1898 when it ruled that a child born within the United States, Wong Kim Ark, was a citizen even though his parents were “subjects of the Emperor of China,” were ineligible to ever become citizens and eventually returned to China.

In opposing the Trump administration’s request to the Supreme Court, the challengers told the justices there is no evidence that birthright citizenship is linked to illegal immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border.

“The children of parents on student or work visas are covered by the Order but have nothing to do with the southern border,” the Asylum Seeker Advocacy Project and CASA said in a court filing.

“Many undocumented people, likewise, did not enter the United States through the southern border and have been living, working, and paying taxes in the country for years.”

The challengers warned of chaos, confusion and disparate state-by-state policies if the Supreme Court allowed the Trump administration to begin banning birthright citizenship in more than half the states. An infant born to noncitizen parents in New Jersey, for instance, would be a U.S. citizen, but the same child born in Tennessee would be a deportable noncitizen.

The court should not create a “situation in which a person’s fundamental right to citizenship depends on the state in which they are born,” the filing said.


Trump presidency

Follow live updates on the Trump administration. We’re tracking President Donald Trump’s progress on campaign promises and legal challenges to his executive orders and actions.

Tariffs and the economy: In April, Trump announced new tariffs of 125 percent on Chinese imports, while more than 75 other countries — set to face what the White House calls “reciprocal” tariffs — have been negotiating and would immediately see their levies set to 10 percent for 90 days, rather than higher rates announced previously. Here’s an inside look at Trump’s decision and how the trillions of dollars in new tariffs could affect you.

Harvard feud: The Trump administration has asked the Internal Revenue Service’s top attorney to revoke Harvard University’s tax-exempt status amid Trump’s fight with the institution over its handling of antisemitism and diversity practices. Experts say there is no proof that Harvard has violated tax laws that prohibit them from engaging in certain political activity. Here’s what to know.

Federal workers: The Trump administration continues to work to downsize the federal government, eliminating thousands of jobs at agencies, including HHSUSAIDthe IRS, the Social Security Administrationthe Education Departmentthe Defense Department, the National Weather Service and the National Park Service.

U.S. DOGE Service: Elon Musk and his team have moved to dismantle some U.S. agenciespush out hundreds of thousands of civil servants and gain access to some of the federal government’s most sensitive payment systems. Here’s who is working for DOGE.

Ann Marimow covers the Supreme Court for The Washington Post. She joined The Post in 2005, and has spent a decade writing about legal affairs and the federal judiciary. She previously covered state government and politics in California, New Hampshire and Maryland. Send secure tips on Signal to annmarimow.72