NORTON META TAG

30 May 2014

Republicans outraged over treatment of veterans filibustered better health care for vets in February & Documents Show the VA Debacle Began Under George W. Bush 21&30MAI14

THIS APPLIES TO VETS HEALTH CARE TOO!!!!!

 We just celebrated MEMORIAL DAY, and with the nation outraged over the lack of adequate health care and programs for our military vets, there are repiglicans and tea-baggers, using right wing media like fox "news" and right wing extremist pundits, feigning outrage and concern over the sorry state of health care and support programs for our vets. Most of these politicians voted against and /or filibustered adequate and / or increasing funding for the Vets Administration and these much needed programs, but they aren't about to let the reality of their voting record keep them from manipulating this scandal for their own political gain, nor will their voting record keep the voluntarily ignorant and those who are so consumed  with hate for this current administration because of racism from supporting them. And where was their outrage during the george w bush administration? They all like the superficial "Support Our Troops" e mails and bumper stickers, and some are even moved to tears with military displays at sport events and other public gatherings. They will complain about the lack of care and concern for our Vets and then vote for the very politicians who vote against adequate funding for the very programs and policies our vets need while voting for weapons systems and outsourcing what were military functions to enrich the military-industrial complex. This from +Daily Kos and +Mother Jones , and check out the links above, and just think about how you actually support our troops. 

Republicans outraged over treatment of veterans filibustered better health care for vets in February

by Hunter

U.S. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) speaks to the media on Capitol Hill in Washington June 18, 2013. REUTERS/Yuri Gripas
McConnell's team filibustered veterans' healthcare improvements only weeks ago.
Someday the Republicans and Fox News will be outraged enough about our treatment of veterans that they will agree to do something about it. Why, Reince Priebus is beside himself. Don't bet on it, though; remember, it was less than three months ago that they again blocked the expansion of health care programs for those same veterans:
U.S. Senate Republicans blocked legislation on Thursday that would have expanded federal healthcare and education programs for veterans, saying the $24 billion bill would bust the budget. Even though the legislation cleared a procedural vote on Tuesday by a 99-0 vote, the measure quickly got bogged down in partisan fighting. [...]
Referring to recent budget deals that aim to bring down federal deficits, Republican Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama said: "This bill would spend more than we agreed to spend. The ink is hardly dry and here we have another bill to raise that spending again."
"Partisan fighting" means the Republican senators filibustered it.

Originally posted to Hunter on Wed May 21, 2014 at 09:15 AM PDT.

Also republished by Military Community Members of Daily Kos and Daily Kos

The Bush administration was aware of the backlogs and secret waiting lists but failed to fix the problem.

| Fri May 30, 2014 6:00 AM EDT

President Barack Obama embraces former President George W. Bush after the 2013 dedication of the George W. Bush presidential library.
President Barack Obama and his administration have come under fire following a string of revelations about the huge backlogs of patients at Department of Veterans Affairs clinics and the underhanded tactics many of them used to hide the long wait times for medical care. As of Thursday evening, more than 100 lawmakers were calling on Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki to step down. But according to VA inspector general reports and other documents that have gone overlooked in the current firestorm, federal officials knew about the scheme at the heart of the scandal—falsifying VA records to cover up treatment delays—years before Obama became president. VA officials first learned of the problems in 2005, when George W. Bush was entering his second term, and the problems went unfixed for the duration of his presidency.
The underlying issues date back even further. In 1995, as part of a broader overhaul, the VA began pressing clinics to cut wait times for new patient appointments to 30 days. But there was no system for tracking which facilities were meeting this target until 2002, when the VA introduced electronic waiting lists to keep tabs on patients who couldn't be seen within a month. Managers who slashed wait times were given bonuses and other perks. This created an incentive to game the system, especially after veterans of the Iraq and Afghan wars began flooding into VA clinics and straining their already stretched resources.
The efforts to mask delays burst into public view last month, when CNN reported that at least 40 patients—many of whom never made it onto electronic waiting lists—had died while awaiting care from the VA system in Phoenix.
Since then, the VA has faced a volley of scathing allegations about the use of "secret" paper waiting lists to hide lengthy treatment lags. These accusations echo the findings of a 2005 VA inspector general's report that documented a raft of violations—including the widespread use of paper lists in place of the electronic ones to hide the glut of veterans awaiting appointments. The report urged the Veterans Health Administration "to ensure the electronic waiting list is complete and accurate" and proposed steps to remedy the problem.
Two years later, another inspector general audit found that the VA had failed to act on these recommendations and that schedulers were still using paper lists and other tactics to mask the backlogs. The report recommended that the VA "establish procedures to routinely test the accuracy of reported waiting times and the completeness of electronic waiting lists, and take corrective action when testing shows questionable differences." At the time, the VA agreed to convene a work group to tackle the issue. A VA spokeswoman declined to comment on whether it had actually done so.
After the 2007 audit, the inspector general's office continued to field complaints about schedulers cooking the books. In 2008, then-Sen. Daniel Akaka (D-Hawaii), the chairman of the Senate Committee of Veteran Affairs, asked the inspector general to investigate allegations that supervisors at VA facilities in North Florida and South Georgia were "manipulating their waiting list." The IG later received an anonymous tip alleging that managers in the Portland VA hospital were instructing employees "to use paper wait lists to hide the access problems," which had created a backlog of more than 3,500 patients in one clinic alone.
White House spokesman Jay Carney says the commander-in-chief was unaware of these allegations until news of the Phoenix VA scandal hit. But according to a memo obtained by the Washington Times, Obama's transition team briefed him on the issue before he took office. The document noted that scheduling problems were "systemic throughout" the VA medical system and that the agency had made "only limited progress in addressing" issues such as the "accuracy of reported waiting times, and completeness of electronic waiting lists."
"This is not only a data integrity issue," the memo continued. "It affects quality of care by delaying—and potentially denying—deserving veterans timely care."
VA higher-ups certainly knew about the ongoing problem. In April 2010, William Schoenhard, the VA's deputy undersecretary for health for operations and management, sent a lengthy memo to the VA's regional directors that outlined 17 "gaming strategies" schedulers were using to hide treatment delays—including paper waiting lists. Politicians and pundits have seized on this as evidence that the Obama administration dropped the ball. And Robert Petzel, the undersecretary of health for Veterans Affairs, was forced to step down after being confronted with the memo during a congressional hearing earlier this month. But the 2010 memo shows that the VA took some steps to solve the problem. Schoenhard called on VA network directors across the country to take "immediate action" to "identify and eliminate" the gaming strategies and offered detailed instructions for detecting these schemes, which he warned "will not be tolerated."
The White House would not comment on what happened with these efforts to address the waiting list problems, but in a statement to Mother Jones it said that the VA had "been working on the issue of inaccurate reporting for many years" and that administration officials were "working to assess the full scope of this issue so we can fix it and ensure that veterans have timely access to care."
While the VA pressed its managers to redress the backlog, the Obama administration opened the VA health system to a flood of new claims. In 2010, the administration expanded treatment for post-traumatic stress and diseases stemming from Agent Orange exposure—a move that veterans and their advocates had sought for decades. Just how much this added to the backlog is unclear, but the Government Accountability Office found that Agent Orange cases consumed 37 percent of the VA's claims-processing resources between October 2010 and March 2012.
More than 40 VA systems across the country are now under investigation for allegedly using paper lists and other strategies to hide backlogs. An interim report on the Phoenix VA released by the inspector general on Wednesday found that more than 1,700 veterans were missing from electronic waiting lists and were "at risk of being lost or forgotten." ​Shinseki called these findings "reprehensible" and pledged to fix the problem. But his future is looking increasingly shaky, as more lawmakers call for his resignation. The nation's largest veterans group, the American Legion, is also demanding he step down.
Other veterans organizations, meanwhile, are wary of pinning blame on a single official or administration. "This is not a new problem," says Rick Weidman, executive director of government affairs at Vietnam Veterans of America. "But the media latched onto the idea of 'secret lists' and suddenly it exploded. Instead of buying into the hysteria and finger pointing, we should be addressing root problems."

 

美国老师:我做了7个月强制劳动在中国的监狱和美国政府如何对待被拘留的移民像奴隶和使用被囚移民作为廉价劳动力29&28&24MAI14的池

比较这两个故事并没有在被承诺所涉及的政府的罪行非常小的差异。两者都使用奴隶劳动,都允许极其严厉的惩罚犯人谁不足够努力,或拒绝工作。既违反了囚犯的人权。一个是中国,另一个是美国。你认为谁是更大的伪君子?中国囚犯被丰富了中国监狱复杂,在美国囚犯丰富的以盈利为目的的美国监狱的阴谋。从美国公民自由联盟+ NPR+纽约时报  .....
南卡罗莱纳州斯图尔特·福斯特花了七个多月在白云区看守所在中国南部的广东省。 随着其他犯人,福斯特花了他的日子组装圣诞灯饰。 在这里,他的看守所身份证。
南卡罗莱纳州斯图尔特·福斯特花了七个多月在白云区看守所在中国南部的广东省。随着其他犯人,福斯特花了他的日子组装圣诞灯饰。在这里,他的看守所身份证。
斯图尔特·福斯特的礼貌
 
囚犯1741年花了七个多月的监狱里在中国南方,组装圣诞灯饰出口到美国。伸长达10小时的条件工作日内为强硬,他说。一个老板用的圣诞灯饰链鞭工人和驱动器的生产。
关于强迫劳动的故事都流淌出中国过去多年,但是是什么让囚犯1741的如此显着的是,他不是中国人。他是美国人。事实上,他是一个中年人,美国社会学从南卡罗来纳州教授。
斯图尔特福斯特的奥德赛,中国刑罚制度内开始在去年4月,当民警在广州市将他带到监狱的盗窃罪。福斯特曾供认采取的巨款从美国的同事在当地一所大学。
当福斯特来到位于白云区看守所,他说,他们给了他一个杯子和牙刷,让他在一个单元格大小约一个壁球场,他会花大部分的下一个280天的。的
“在细胞中,平均有30人是,”福斯特,一个和蔼可亲的49岁谁与南方拉长讲说。“有没有椅子,没有床,我们睡在水泥地上,大多数人甚至都没有一张,当然也没有枕头。就这样拥挤,大多数犯人不得不睡在自己身边。”
在早上,福斯特说,他和他的大多是中国的狱友会花一个小时在原地踏步,然后开始工作放在一起圣诞灯饰。
“他们将带来大,工业塑料包装袋,包括那个将组装的组件,”福斯特回忆说。“每一个犯人会得到他们的配额,而将犯人排队的墙壁或他们会在圈子里只是坐在地板上,装配灯插座。”
看守所没有提供制服。在炎热的夏季,在短短自己的内衣所以犯人的工作,他说。福斯特惊呆了,中国官员把他放在那里,他参与并见证强迫劳动的单元格。
“我觉得这是一个重大失误,”福斯特说。一些警卫感到担忧。“你要告诉人们这个时候你再回到美国吗?” 他们问他。“是的!是的,我会的,”他回答说。
福斯特说,圣诞灯饰,他组装的,看起来像冰柱和节日期间从众多的美国家庭的雨水槽挂的类型。随着时间的推移,福斯特结识了一名警卫,谁表示,他帮卖灯不知情的美国公司在一个著名的贸易博览会的城市。
“我是B地块,因为这是谁讲合理英语唯一的后卫,而且他告诉我,他讲英语合理的原因是因为他是谁参与了销售在广交会的个人,“福斯特说。“他会称他们为他的”美国朋友“。“ 强迫劳动通用在中国的监狱 NPR发送的电子邮件并称为广交会,其中拒绝发表评论。广州市公安局,从另一方面证实,囚犯做组装的圣诞灯饰-但建议监狱提供的劳动合同,并没有直接向公司出售。 玛雅王,一位研究员为人权观察亚洲部,说强迫劳动是常见于中国的监狱。 “在中国,劳动力实际上是写在看守所条例,”她说。“因此,我们可以肯定地说,数以百万计的人从事强迫劳动在任何一个时间,在短短的单独拘留中心。”




福斯特曾在国外学在中国南部广东工业大学的社会学教授,总共五年之前,他被控盗窃和坐牢。
福斯特曾在国外学在中国南部广东工业大学的社会学教授,总共五年之前,他被控盗窃和坐牢。
斯图尔特·福斯特的礼貌
当然,在许多国家的囚犯有工作,其中包括在美国,但王说,有很大的差异。其一,像福斯特囚犯甚至都没有去审讯期间,他工作的时间。
“这些人没有被定罪呢,”他说。“这是一个非常侮辱性的局面。”
监狱劳动是大企业在中国。粗略互联网搜索收益率至少两打中国监狱犯人提供劳动,使一切从水晶球和假睫毛假牙和手包产品。在中国东部山东省监狱吹捧的犯人超过普通工人的优势:“您不仅可以节省人力成本,还可以及早完成项目。”
福斯特说,劳动在他的拘留中心是很便宜的。
“没有人拿工资什么,“他说。“如果你没有工作,你没有得到食物。”
或者你被打。
福斯特说,一群犯人跑了细胞。他们促使工人拳打,脚踢或更糟。
“有七月份的特别虐待狂在一个特定的领导者,”福斯特说。“其实,他已经编织了几个圣诞灯线在一起,他会拿出背后的工作进行缓慢的囚犯和整个背部砍他们,我记得他很清楚,他做这个男孩,谁是我估计弱智他将提供打击了-在我眼前-你会看到伤痕制定“
福斯特说,美国驻广州领事馆参加了他的情况下产生了浓厚兴趣,并检查了他的定期。与大多数犯人相比,福斯特说,他很容易。
“他们把可怜我作为一个美国人,”他回忆道。“我不能工作一样快,他们可以,我会组装约3000灯的日子,中国人会做双我做什么,”他说。“我是,我经常说,该奖项的动物在一个非常糟糕的动物园。” 亲眼看到威权 广州警方否认殴打福斯特的故事,说在他们所谓的监狱工作“法制与文明管理的规则。”


福斯特提出了与他的学生在广东外语外贸大学。
福斯特提出了与他的学生在广东外语外贸大学。
斯图尔特·福斯特的礼貌
懊悔,福斯特承认控罪,被判处8个月内,靠近他已经担任。时间
福斯特,一个瘦高个,6英尺谁大多是光头,是很受欢迎的同事在广东外语外贸大学,在那里他倒是教合共五年。出狱后,民警将他带到机场被驱逐出境。几个朋友来了,给了他一个掌声。
回到家里在南卡罗来纳州,福斯特正试图重建他的生活。回顾他在监狱的时候,他是不苦。
“这给了我对生活的巨大升值,”福斯特在一个典型的反射片刻说。“我坐在椅子上了,并八个月,我没有一把椅子。另外,我想说它给了我对人类的精神忍受巨大的尊重。”
作为一个社会学家,福斯特说,他是实际上感谢见过专制的残酷的第一手资料。
“那,在某种程度上,成了我的目的,我的存在赋予意义,”他说。“我当时想,好吧,我会活着讲述这个故事。”
福斯特现正研究一本回忆录。和所有那些个组装圣诞灯饰后,他告诉朋友们:接下来的节日,点燃蜡烛。了解更多关于斯图尔特福斯特的生活中国监狱里在他的网站,白云拘留

美国政府如何对待被拘留的移民像奴隶

 在手上链

卡尔·武井,美国公民自由联盟全国监狱计划于下午2:30
纽约时报 报道 这个星期天,一个国家的雇主仗着超过60,000移民工人的劳动去年做饭,清洁,洗衣服,而生活背后上锁的门和铁丝网。雇主付给他们每人每天只有1元-或者在某些情况下,补偿他们无非就是苏打水和糖果。在一个工厂,谁组织了停工和绝食的人被扔进禁闭。
然而,当被问及评论,联邦当局声称这是一切完全合法的,并没有一个工人正在裹挟。
为什么呢?
因为雇主是美国移民和海关执法局(ICE)及其subcontactors,工人是该机构的蔓延约250移民拘留设施网络中的行政拘留,执行,保持这些拘留设施运行的劳动。因此,尽管联邦政府裂缝打击无证移民,并从其他地方工作,禁止他们来说,这已经在本质上,成为全国非法移民的最大雇主。
不幸的是,这种类型的(字面意思)俘虏的劳动力是什么新鲜事。内战结束后,谁离开他们的老种植园,昔日奴隶常常涉嫌轻微或莫须有的违法行为-尤其是流浪,犯罪尤其容易非洲裔美国人被定罪旅行到陌生的城市时,寻求新的就业机会。南方警长则“ 租赁 “的新罪名成立的人给私人公司,这迫使他们无偿工作在矿山,种植园和工厂。
那“犯人租赁”制度的历史前提,以现代私人监狱产业-并给ICE的被拘留者劳动计划中的异形时报这个星期,这有助于使移民拘留盈利为运行大多数拘留设施的私人监狱公司,如美国的更正公司GEO小组。而像涉嫌寻求在南北战争之后更好的工作,很多40多万人,每年扫进移民拘留新近获得自由的奴隶被继续关押的不好的原因,并否认正当程序
联邦政府锁定了这一事实这么多的人,把他们在胁迫条件下工作,并抢夺一个公平工资的工作,他们应该义愤我们的尊严和公平竞争的意识。而事实上,这已经在我们的历史上曾经发生的事使不可原谅的。了解更多关于移民拘留和其他公民自由的问题:  订阅突发新闻提示,  按照我们的Twitter,和  我们一样在Facebook上

使用被囚移民作为廉价劳动力的游泳池



  幻灯片放映

幻灯播放| 8张照片
信用迈克尔Stravato为纽约时报

休斯敦 - 这里看守所的厨房里热热闹闹十几移民煮豆和烤热狗,准备午餐约900其他被拘留者。在其他地方,警卫站在岗哨和经理拿了点算,但被拘留者做的大部分工作 - 拖浴室摊位,折叠床单,放养小卖部的货架上。
作为联邦政府扫荡在该国的移民非法,并禁止企业雇用他们,这是每年依靠成千上万的移民,以提供必要的劳动 - 通常是一天或更少1元 - 在看守所里,他们举行时被当局抓到。
该工作方案正面临着从被拘留者和移民倡导者的批评越来越大的阻力。今年四月,一场官司指控将被拘留者被单独囚禁后,他们上演了停工和绝食的移民当局在华盛顿州塔科马,。在休斯敦,警卫压制其他移民以弥补留下的空缺被拘留者谁拒绝在厨房里轮班工作,根据移民在这里接受采访。



联邦当局说,该计划是自愿,合法和成本节省纳税人。但移民的倡导者质疑它是否是真正自愿的还是合法的,并认为政府和运行许多拘留中心的私人监狱企业弯曲的规则到圈养种群转换成自包含的劳动力。
去年,至少有60,000移民在联邦政府的全国拘留所工作错落有致 - 超过任职于其他任何一个用人单位在国内,据来自美国移民和海关执法,被称为ICE的数据。廉价的劳动力,一小时13美分,节省了政府和私人公司40000000美元以上一年,让他们避免支付外部承包商的7.25美元联邦最低工资。在县监狱举行一些移民免费工作,或支付与汽水或糖果,同时还提供服务,如为其他政府机构做饭。
不像犯人被判罪,谁经常参加监狱工作方案,并没收他们的许多工资保障的权利,这些移民安置在收容中心被拘留公民,他们大多在等待听证会,以确定他们的法律地位。大约有一半的移民法庭上会出现谁的人最终获准留在美国 - 往往是因为他们是合法的,因为他们做了一个引人注目的人道主义参数法官或因为联邦当局决定不追究该事。
“我从做每小时$ 15作为厨师每天在看守所厨房1美元去,”佩德罗·古斯曼,34,谁曾就职于餐馆在加利福尼亚州,明尼苏达州和北卡罗莱纳州,他拿起并保持之前所说的约19个月,主要在斯图尔特看守所在乔治亚Lumpkin,佐治亚州“而且我是在该国合法。”
古兹曼先生说,他已经要求工作,即使当他发烧了,那警卫曾威胁他单独监禁,如果他迟到了,他上午02点的转变,以及他的家人支付了超过7.5万美元的债务从法律他被拘留期间费用和收入损失。危地马拉人,他是在2011年发布后,法院再次因为一个笔误他的签证,而被错误地撤销,部分。从那时起,他被授予永久居留权。
开发的索赔
官员在私人监狱公司都拒绝谈论他们的使用移民被拘留者,只能说,这是合法的。联邦官员说,与士气和纪律,削减开支的拘留制度,成本超过每年20十亿的工作有帮助。
“该计划允许被拘留者感受到高效,有助于拘留设施的有序运行,”阿娇·M·克里斯坦森,一位女发言人为移民机构说。在程序中被拘留者不是正式员工,她说,他们的付款津贴,没有工资。没有人是被迫参与,她补充说,还有通常比工作更多的志愿者。
玛丽安马丁斯,49,谁被拾起的ICE官员在2009年对逾期居留的签证,并发送至埃托瓦县看 ​​守所 在加兹登,阿拉巴马州,说工作是她唯一的出票锁定,在那里她时,她没有到达的放置曾经被告知原因。
马丁斯女士说,她曾大部分时间做饭,擦洗淋浴和抛光走廊。她唯一的补偿是额外的免费时间之外或在娱乐室,在那里她可以混合与其他被拘留者,看电视或阅读,她说。
“人们争取这项工作,”马丁斯女士,谁没有犯罪记录说。“我总是紧张被解雇,因为我需要的自由时间。”
马丁斯女士逃往利比里亚内战,期间和进入美国的旅游签证于1990年,她留养三个孩子,所有的人都是美国公民,其中包括空军的两个儿子。因为她的健康状况恶化,她被拘留,等候她的法律地位最终裁定公布2010年8月与电子脚镯。
娜塔莉·巴顿,一位女发言人为埃托瓦看守所,拒绝对马丁斯女士的说法发表评论,但表示,在现场被拘留的移民所做的一切工作是无偿,而该中心已遵守所有地方和联邦规则。
在拘留设施的补偿规则是过去时代的残余。1950年依法设立的联邦自愿工作计划,并设定工资率的时候1美元走得更远。(相当于将大约9.80美元今天。)国会上一次检讨的速度在1979年选择不养它。它后来被质疑在诉讼下的公平劳动标准法案,其中规定工作场所的规则,但在1990年上诉法院维持原判的速度,他说:“外国人被拘留者并非政府的雇员。” “
在拘留中心的移民可能在国内非法,但他们也可能是寻求庇护者,永久居民或美国公民的文件是由当局质疑。在任何一天,约5500名被拘留者出1美元的30,000多名平均每天工作人口,在用冰的大约250拘留设施55。地方政府经营计划的21,和私营公司运行的休息,机构官员说。
这些被拘留者通常以对食品,化妆品,他们说以高价出售电话学分补偿。(他们可以收取现金,当他们离开,如果他们没有使用他们所有的学分。)“他们正在做的我们的钱,而我们为他们工作,”何塞·莫雷诺奥尔梅多,25,谁参加了绝食在墨西哥移民说塔科马举行中心和从中心三月键被释放。“然后,他们当我们从他们那里购买了小卖部使更多的钱给我们。”
法律的灰色地带
一些主张对移民表达对工作方案的合法​​性质疑,称政府和承包商利用法律的灰色地带。
“这在本质上使政府,它禁止其他人雇用的人没有证件,唯一最大的雇主在该国非法移民,”卡尔·武井,与美国公民自由联盟的律师表示,国家监狱项目
杰奎琳·史蒂文斯,政治学在西北大学的教授,说,她认为节目违反了第13修正案,废除了奴隶制和非自愿劳役,除了作为惩罚犯罪。“根据法律规定,企业与联邦政府签约都应该符合或增加本地工资,没有犯盗骗工资,”她说。
移民官员低估移民和他们的工作小时数,史蒂文斯教授说。基于ICE合约推断她已审阅,她说,每年有超过135,000移民均可受累,和私人监狱企业和政府可避免支付超过2亿美元的工资,外间的雇主将收集。
由2012年报告格鲁吉亚的美国公民自由联盟基金会 描述移民受到威胁与关禁闭,如果他们拒绝某些工作。此外,被拘留者说,有关该计划的自愿性指导的英语有时给予尽管大多数移民不会讲的语言。
爱德华多·祖尼加,36岁,于2011年在斯图尔特看守所格鲁吉亚花了大约半年,等待驱逐到墨西哥。他一直被关押在停在亚特兰大地区的路障后,因为他没有驾驶执照,并因为他的记录显示为此,他已收到试用了十年的老药的信念。



在斯图尔特,​​祖尼加先生曾在厨房和撕毁了韧带在他的膝盖上的一个滑倒在新擦去地板上后,让他只能依靠拐杖走路。尽管医生的吩咐留过腿,祖尼加先生说,看守威胁他单独监禁,如果他不掩盖他的变化。现在又回到了墨西哥,他在接受电话采访时说,他必须走一条腿支撑。
加里·米德,谁是最ICE管理员,直到去年表示,该机构审查私人公司的合同竞标,以确保他们没有高估他们是多么依赖被拘留运行中心。
根据该机构被拘留者不能每周工作超过40小时,或每天工作八小时。他们被限制在工作中直接有助于其拘留设施的运作,克里斯滕森说:女士,该机构的发言人,并且不应该提供的服务或使货物外面的市场。
但这一规则似乎并没有被严格执行。
乔·科利拘留所 休斯敦北部,约140移民被拘留者准备约7000三餐,其中一半被运到附近的蒙哥马利县监狱。巴勃罗·E.派斯,发言人GEO集团,它运行的中心,说他的公司采取了它在距县城在2013年,被工作结束外餐计划。
旧金山附近,在康特拉科斯塔县西拘留所,移民一起工作刑事犯做饭被打包并用卡车运到一个县的无家可归者收容所和监狱附近,每天约900餐。
生意很好
虽然奥巴马总统呼吁移民法的改革,他的政府已经驱逐出境的人-约200万在过去的五年-以更快的速度 比任何一位前任。奥巴马政府表示,大幅上涨的被拘留者的数目已经由国会规定部分驱动的冰填充的超过30,000张病床的拘留设施,每天的配额。典型的逗留一个月左右,虽然一些被关押更长的时间,有时长达数年。
拘留所是低利润率的业务,每一分钱计数的地方,说克莱顿J.毛思迪,社会学在华盛顿州立大学的教授,温哥华,谁专门在监狱的经济性。两私人监狱公司,美国的更正公司和GEO集团,控制了大部分的移民拘留市场。在20世纪90年代中后期私人监狱建设过剩很多这样的企业步履维艰,内置超过可能充满更多的设施,但9月11日之后,在秒杀移民拘留有助于振兴产业。
美国的收入更正公司,例如,涨幅超过60%,在过去的十年里,其股价从不到3美元攀升至30美元以上。去年,该公司做了$ 3.01亿美元的净收入和全球环境展望集团作出1.15亿元,根据财报。
监狱企业是不是移民劳工的唯一受益者。约5%谁工作移民是无偿,ICE数据显示。巴特勒县,俄亥俄,警长理查德·K.琼斯说,他救全县每年至少20万至30万元,每月依靠约40名被拘留者的清洁卫生工作。“我只知道这是一个很大的节省下来的钱,”他说。
马克·克里科里安的执行董事移民研究中心,促进对移民加强管制宣传组表示,随着适当的监测,该方案有其优点,而且它的批评是一个更大的努力,以非法化移民拘留的一部分。
一些移民表示,他们赞赏工作的机会。Minsu全度妍,23日,一个韩国本土谁被释放一月份一个月的留在OCILLA,佐治亚州的移民拘留中心后表示,虽然他认为工资是不公平的,担任厨师帮助打发时间。
“他们不给你吃那么多,”他补充说,“但你可以吃的食物,如果你在厨房里工作。”
克里斯蒂娜雷贝洛贡献来自圣地亚哥的报告,和吉蒂贝内特来自圣彼得堡,佛罗里达州的研究贡献


被拘留的移民,工作在美国

每天,大约5,500关押在移民国家的移民拘留中心工作。有些每天支付一元钱; 别人赚不到钱。所示的位置是设施,联邦政府报销这项工作。

水牛城联邦拘留所
纽约州Batavia
195工作人员
西北看守所
TACOMA,洗净。
346工作人员
工人在2014年4月1日号
休斯顿合同拘留所
HOUSTON
288工作人员
300
私人经营中心
公共设施(如县监狱)
10

U.S. Teacher: I Did 7 Months Of Forced Labor In A Chinese Jail & The U.S. Government Treats Detained Immigrants Like Slaves & Using Jailed Migrants as a Pool of Cheap Labor 29&28&24MAI14

COMPARE these two stories and there is very little difference in the crimes being committed by the governments involved. Both are using slave labor, both allow extremely harsh punishments for inmates who do not work hard enough or refuse to work. Both violate the human rights of the inmates. One is the prc, the other is the USA. Who do you think is the bigger hypocrite? Prisoners in the prc are enriching the Chinese prison complex and prisoners in America are enriching the for profit American prison cabal. From the ACLU and +NPR and the +The New York Times .....
South Carolinian Stuart Foster spent more than seven months in White Cloud District Detention Center in southern China's Guangdong province. Along with other inmates, Foster spent his days assembling Christmas lights. Here, his detention center identification card.
South Carolinian Stuart Foster spent more than seven months in White Cloud District Detention Center in southern China's Guangdong province. Along with other inmates, Foster spent his days assembling Christmas lights. Here, his detention center identification card.
Courtesy of Stuart Foster
 
Prisoner 1741 spent more than seven months inside a jail in southern China, assembling Christmas lights for export to America. Work days stretched up to 10 hours and conditions were tough, he says. One boss used strands of Christmas lights to whip workers and drive production.
Stories about forced labor have trickled out of China over the years, but what makes Prisoner 1741's so remarkable is that he isn't Chinese. He's American. In fact, he's a middle-aged, American sociology professor from South Carolina.
Stuart Foster's odyssey inside the Chinese penal system began in April of last year, when police in the city of Guangzhou took him to jail on theft charges. Foster had confessed to taking a large sum of money from an American colleague at a local university.
When Foster arrived at the White Cloud District Detention Center, he says, they gave him a cup and a toothbrush and put him in a cell about the size of a racquetball court where he would spend most of the next 280 days.
"In the cell, there was an average of 30 men,"says Foster, an amiable 49-year-old who speaks with a Southern drawl. "There were no chairs, there were no beds. We slept on the concrete floor, and most people didn't even have a sheet and certainly no pillows. It was so crowded that most inmates had to sleep on their side."
In the morning, Foster says, he and his mostly Chinese cellmates would spend an hour marching in place and then begin work putting together Christmas lights.
"They would bring in large, industrial plastic bags that had the components that would be assembled," Foster recalls. "Each prisoner would get their quota, and inmates would line the walls or they would sit in circles just on the floor, assembling lights to sockets."
The detention center didn't provide uniforms. So inmates worked in just their underwear during the hot summer months, he says. Foster was stunned that Chinese officials put him in a cell where he participated in and witnessed forced labor.
"I felt it was a major mistake," says Foster. Some guards became worried. "Are you going to tell people about this when you go back to America?" they asked him. "Yes! Yes, I will," he answered.
Foster says the Christmas lights he assembled are the type that look like icicles and hang from the rain gutters of many an American home during the holiday season. Over time, Foster befriended a guard, who said he helped sell the lights to unwitting U.S. companies at a famous trade fair in the city.
"I was on B block, because this was the only guard who spoke reasonable English. And he told me the reason he spoke reasonable English is because he was the individual who was involved with the selling at the Canton Trade Fair," Foster says. "He would refer to them as his 'American friends.' "
Forced Labor Common In Chinese Jails
NPR sent emails to and called the Canton Trade Fair, which refused to comment. The Guangzhou Public Security Bureau, on the other hand, confirmed that inmates do assemble Christmas lights — but suggested that the jail provided labor on contract and did not sell directly to companies.
Maya Wang, a researcher for the Asia division of Human Rights Watch, says forced labor is common in Chinese jails.
"In China, labor is actually written in the detention center regulations," she says. "So, we could safely say that millions of people are engaging in forced labor at any one time in just the detention centers alone."
Foster worked as a sociology professor at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies in southern China for a total of five years before he was charged with theft and sent to jail.
Foster worked as a sociology professor at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies in southern China for a total of five years before he was charged with theft and sent to jail.
Courtesy of Stuart Foster
Of course, inmates in many countries have jobs, including in the U.S. But Wang says there are big differences. For one, inmates like Foster hadn't even gone to trial during the time he was working.
"These people have not been convicted yet," Wang says. "That is a very abusive situation."
Prison labor is big business in China. A cursory Internet search yields at least two-dozen Chinese prisons offering inmate labor to make everything from crystal balls and fake eyelashes to dentures and pleather products. A prison in eastern China's Shandong province touts the advantages of inmates over ordinary workers: "Not only can you save labor costs, you can also finish the project early."
Foster says labor at his detention center was really cheap.
"Nobody got paid anything," he says. "If you didn't work, you didn't get food."
Or you got beaten.
Foster says a group of inmates ran the cell. They spurred workers with punches, kicks or worse.
"There was one particular leader during the month of July that was particularly sadistic," says Foster. "Actually, he had braided a few of the Christmas light cords together. He would come up behind inmates that were working slow and slash them across the back. I can remember him very clearly, him doing it to this boy, who was in my estimation mentally retarded. And he would deliver blows that — right before my eyes — you would see the welts develop."
Foster says the U.S. Consulate in Guangzhou took a keen interest in his case and checked on him regularly. Compared with most inmates, Foster says, he had it easy.
"They took mercy on me as an American," he recalls. "I couldn't work as fast as they could. I would assemble about 3,000 lights a day, and the Chinese would do double what I did," he says. "I was, what I often say, the prize animal in a very bad zoo."
Firsthand Look At Authoritarianism
The Guangzhou police denied Foster's stories of beatings and said the jail operated under what they called "the rule of law and civilized management."
Foster poses with his students at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies.
Foster poses with his students at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies.
Courtesy of Stuart Foster
Remorseful, Foster pleaded guilty and was sentenced to eight months, close to the time he'd already served.
Foster, a lanky, 6-footer who is mostly bald, was well-liked by colleagues at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, where he'd taught for a total of five years. After his release, police took him to the airport to be deported. Several friends came along and gave him a round of applause.
Back home in South Carolina, Foster is trying to rebuild his life. Looking back on his time in jail, he isn't bitter.
"It's given me a tremendous appreciation for life," Foster says in a typically reflective moment. "I'm sitting in a chair now, and for eight months, I didn't have a chair. Also, I want to say it gave me immense respect for the human spirit to endure."
As a sociologist, Foster says, he's actually grateful to have seen the brutality of authoritarianism firsthand.
"That, in a way, became my purpose, to give meaning to my existence there," he says. "I was like, OK, I will live to tell this story."
Foster is now working on a memoir. And after all those months assembling Christmas lights, he tells friends: Next holiday season, light candles.
Read more about Stuart Foster's life inside a Chinese jail at his website, White Cloud Detention.

The U.S. Government Treats Detained Immigrants Like Slaves

 Hands in chains

By Carl Takei, ACLU National Prison Project at 2:30pm
The New York Times reported this Sunday that one national employer relied on the labor of more than 60,000 immigrant workers last year to cook, clean, and do laundry while living behind locked doors and barbed wire. The employer paid them only $1 per day – or in some cases, compensated them with nothing more than soda and candy bars.  In one facility, people who organized a work stoppage and hunger strike were thrown into solitary confinement.
Yet when asked to comment, federal authorities claimed that this is all completely legal and none of the workers were being coerced.
Why?
Because the employer is U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and its subcontactors, and the workers are administrative detainees in the agency’s sprawling network of approximately 250 immigration detention facilities, performing the labor that keeps these detention facilities running. Thus, while the federal government cracks down on undocumented immigrants and prohibits them from working elsewhere, it has, in essence, become the largest employer of undocumented immigrants in the nation.
Unfortunately, this type of (literally) captive labor force is nothing new. After the end of the Civil War, former slaves who left their old plantations were often arrested for minor or trumped-up legal violations – particularly vagrancy, a crime especially easy for African-American men to be convicted of when traveling to unfamiliar towns to seek new jobs. Southern sheriffs then “leased” the newly-convicted men to private companies, which forced them to work without compensation in mines, plantations, and factories.
That “convict lease” system was the historical antecedent to the modern private prison industry – and to the ICE detainee labor program profiled in the Times this week, which helps make immigration detention profitable for the private prison companies that run most detention facilities, like the Corrections Corporation of America and GEO Group.  And like the newly freed slaves arrested for seeking better jobs after the Civil War, many of the more than 400,000 people swept into immigration detention each year are kept locked up for bad reasons and denied due process.
The fact that the federal government is locking up so many people, putting them to work in coercive conditions, and robbing them of a fair wage for that work should outrage our sense of decency and fair play. And the fact that this has happened before in our history makes it inexcusable.
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Using Jailed Migrants as a Pool of Cheap Labor



  Slide Show

Slide Show|8 Photos
Credit Michael Stravato for The New York Times

HOUSTON — The kitchen of the detention center here was bustling as a dozen immigrants boiled beans and grilled hot dogs, preparing lunch for about 900 other detainees. Elsewhere, guards stood sentry and managers took head counts, but the detainees were doing most of the work — mopping bathroom stalls, folding linens, stocking commissary shelves.
As the federal government cracks down on immigrants in the country illegally and forbids businesses to hire them, it is relying on tens of thousands of those immigrants each year to provide essential labor — usually for $1 a day or less — at the detention centers where they are held when caught by the authorities.
This work program is facing increasing resistance from detainees and criticism from immigrant advocates. In April, a lawsuit accused immigration authorities in Tacoma, Wash., of putting detainees in solitary confinement after they staged a work stoppage and hunger strike. In Houston, guards pressed other immigrants to cover shifts left vacant by detainees who refused to work in the kitchen, according to immigrants interviewed here.



The federal authorities say the program is voluntary, legal and a cost-saver for taxpayers. But immigrant advocates question whether it is truly voluntary or lawful, and argue that the government and the private prison companies that run many of the detention centers are bending the rules to convert a captive population into a self-contained labor force.
Last year, at least 60,000 immigrants worked in the federal government’s nationwide patchwork of detention centers — more than worked for any other single employer in the country, according to data from United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement, known as ICE. The cheap labor, 13 cents an hour, saves the government and the private companies $40 million or more a year by allowing them to avoid paying outside contractors the $7.25 federal minimum wage. Some immigrants held at county jails work for free, or are paid with sodas or candy bars, while also providing services like meal preparation for other government institutions.
Unlike inmates convicted of crimes, who often participate in prison work programs and forfeit their rights to many wage protections, these immigrants are civil detainees placed in holding centers, most of them awaiting hearings to determine their legal status. Roughly half of the people who appear before immigration courts are ultimately permitted to stay in the United States — often because they were here legally, because they made a compelling humanitarian argument to a judge or because federal authorities decided not to pursue the case.
“I went from making $15 an hour as a chef to $1 a day in the kitchen in lockup,” said Pedro Guzmán, 34, who had worked for restaurants in California, Minnesota and North Carolina before he was picked up and held for about 19 months, mostly at Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Ga. “And I was in the country legally.”
Mr. Guzmán said that he had been required to work even when he was running a fever, that guards had threatened him with solitary confinement if he was late for his 2 a.m. shift, and that his family had incurred more than $75,000 in debt from legal fees and lost income during his detention. A Guatemalan native, he was released in 2011 after the courts renewed his visa, which had mistakenly been revoked, in part because of a clerical error. He has since been granted permanent residency.
Claims of Exploitation
Officials at private prison companies declined to speak about their use of immigrant detainees, except to say that it was legal. Federal officials said the work helped with morale and discipline and cut expenses in a detention system that costs more than $2 billion a year.
“The program allows detainees to feel productive and contribute to the orderly operation of detention facilities,” said Gillian M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the immigration agency. Detainees in the program are not officially employees, she said, and their payments are stipends, not wages. No one is forced to participate, she added, and there are usually more volunteers than jobs.
Marian Martins, 49, who was picked up by ICE officers in 2009 for overstaying her visa and sent to Etowah County Detention Center in Gadsden, Ala., said work had been her only ticket out of lockdown, where she was placed when she arrived without ever being told why.
Ms. Martins said she had worked most days cooking meals, scrubbing showers and buffing hallways. Her only compensation was extra free time outside or in a recreational room, where she could mingle with other detainees, watch television or read, she said.
“People fight for that work,” said Ms. Martins, who has no criminal history. “I was always nervous about being fired, because I needed the free time.”
Ms. Martins fled Liberia during the civil war there and entered the United States on a visitor visa in 1990. She stayed and raised three children, all of whom are American citizens, including two sons in the Air Force. Because of her deteriorating health, she was released from detention in August 2010 with an electronic ankle bracelet while awaiting a final determination of her legal status.
Natalie Barton, a spokeswoman for the Etowah detention center, declined to comment on Ms. Martins’s claims but said that all work done on site by detained immigrants was unpaid, and that the center complied with all local and federal rules.
The compensation rules at detention facilities are remnants of a bygone era. A 1950 law created the federal Voluntary Work Program and set the pay rate at a time when $1 went much further. (The equivalent would be about $9.80 today.) Congress last reviewed the rate in 1979 and opted not to raise it. It was later challenged in a lawsuit under the Fair Labor Standards Act, which sets workplace rules, but in 1990 an appellate court upheld the rate, saying that “alien detainees are not government ‘employees.’ ”
Immigrants in holding centers may be in the country illegally, but they may also be asylum seekers, permanent residents or American citizens whose documentation is questioned by the authorities. On any given day, about 5,500 detainees out of the 30,000-plus average daily population work for $1, in 55 of the roughly 250 detention facilities used by ICE. Local governments operate 21 of the programs, and private companies run the rest, agency officials said.
These detainees are typically compensated with credits toward food, toiletries and phone calls that they say are sold at inflated prices. (They can collect cash when they leave if they have not used all their credits.) “They’re making money on us while we work for them,” said Jose Moreno Olmedo, 25, a Mexican immigrant who participated in the hunger strike at the Tacoma holding center and was released on bond from the center in March. “Then they’re making even more money on us when we buy from them at the commissary.”
A Legal Gray Area
Some advocates for immigrants express doubts about the legality of the work program, saying the government and contractors are exploiting a legal gray area.
“This in essence makes the government, which forbids everyone else from hiring people without documents, the single largest employer of undocumented immigrants in the country,” said Carl Takei, a lawyer with the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project.
Jacqueline Stevens, a professor of political science at Northwestern University, said she believed the program violated the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery and involuntary servitude except as punishment for crime. “By law, firms contracting with the federal government are supposed to match or increase local wages, not commit wage theft,” she said.
Immigration officials underestimate the number of immigrants involved and the hours they work, Professor Stevens added. Based on extrapolations from ICE contracts she has reviewed, she said, more than 135,000 immigrants a year may be involved, and private prison companies and the government may be avoiding paying more than $200 million in wages that outside employers would collect.
A 2012 report by the A.C.L.U. Foundation of Georgia described immigrants’ being threatened with solitary confinement if they refused certain work. Also, detainees said instructions about the program’s voluntary nature were sometimes given in English even though most of the immigrants do not speak the language.
Eduardo Zuñiga, 36, spent about six months in 2011 at the Stewart Detention Center in Georgia, awaiting deportation to Mexico. He had been detained after being stopped at a roadblock in the Atlanta area because he did not have a driver’s license and because his record showed a decade-old drug conviction for which he had received probation.



At Stewart, Mr. Zuñiga worked in the kitchen and tore ligaments in one of his knees after slipping on a newly mopped floor, leaving him unable to walk without crutches. Despite doctors’ orders to stay off the leg, Mr. Zuñiga said, the guards threatened him with solitary confinement if he did not cover his shifts. Now back in Mexico, he said in a phone interview that he must walk with a leg brace.
Gary Mead, who was a top ICE administrator until last year, said the agency scrutinized contract bids from private companies to ensure that they did not overestimate how much they could depend on detainees to run the centers.
Detainees cannot work more than 40 hours a week or eight hours a day, according to the agency. They are limited to work that directly contributes to the operation of their detention facility, said Ms. Christensen, the agency spokeswoman, and are not supposed to provide services or make goods for the outside market.
But that rule does not appear to be strictly enforced.
At the Joe Corley Detention Facility north of Houston, about 140 immigrant detainees prepare about 7,000 meals a day, half of which are shipped to the nearby Montgomery County jail. Pablo E. Paez, a spokesman for the GEO Group, which runs the center, said his company had taken it over from the county in 2013 and was working to end the outside meal program.
Near San Francisco, at the Contra Costa West County Detention Facility, immigrants work alongside criminal inmates to cook about 900 meals a day that are packaged and trucked to a county homeless shelter and nearby jails.
A Booming Business
While President Obama has called for an overhaul of immigration law, his administration has deported people — roughly two million in the last five years — at a faster pace than any of his predecessors. The administration says the sharp rise in the number of detainees has been partly driven by a requirement from Congress that ICE fill a daily quota of more than 30,000 beds in detention facilities. The typical stay is about a month, though some detainees are held much longer, sometimes for years.
Detention centers are low-margin businesses, where every cent counts, said Clayton J. Mosher, a professor of sociology at Washington State University, Vancouver, who specializes in the economics of prisons. Two private prison companies, the Corrections Corporation of America and the GEO Group, control most of the immigrant detention market. Many such companies struggled in the late 1990s amid a glut of private prison construction, with more facilities built than could be filled, but a spike in immigrant detention after Sept. 11 helped revitalize the industry.
The Corrections Corporation of America’s revenue, for example, rose more than 60 percent over the last decade, and its stock price climbed to more than $30 from less than $3. Last year, the company made $301 million in net income and the GEO Group made $115 million, according to earnings reports.
Prison companies are not the only beneficiaries of immigrant labor. About 5 percent of immigrants who work are unpaid, ICE data show. Sheriff Richard K. Jones of Butler County, Ohio, said his county saved at least $200,000 to $300,000 a year by relying on about 40 detainees each month for janitorial work. “All I know is it’s a lot of money saved,” he said.
Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, an advocacy group that promotes greater controls on immigration, said that with proper monitoring, the program had its advantages, and that the criticisms of it were part of a larger effort to delegitimize immigration detention.
Some immigrants said they appreciated the chance to work. Minsu Jeon, 23, a South Korean native who was freed in January after a monthlong stay at an immigration detention center in Ocilla, Ga., said that while he thought the pay was unfair, working as a cook helped pass the time.
“They don’t feed you that much,” he added, “but you could eat food if you worked in the kitchen.”
Kristina Rebelo contributed reporting from San Diego, and Kitty Bennett contributed research from St. Petersburg, Fla.


Detained Immigrants, Working for the U.S.

Every day, about 5,500 detained immigrants work in the nation’s immigration detention centers. Some are paid a dollar a day; others earn nothing. The locations shown are facilities that the federal government reimburses for this work.

Buffalo Federal Detention Facility
BATAVIA, N.Y.
195 workers
Northwest Detention Center
TACOMA, WASH.
346 workers
Number of workers on April 1, 2014
Houston Contract Detention Facility
HOUSTON
288 workers
300
Privately run center
Public facility (like county jails)
10

NOAA Predicts Relatively Quiet Atlantic Hurricane Season & Hurricane Amanda Just Set an Ominous New Record 22&27MAI14

HURRICANE season starts 1 JUN 14, the predictions are for fewer Atlantic and more Pacific storms. I live in Virginia and there is a chance the Commonwealth could experience a hurricane. AND to all Virginians, the sales tax holiday for disaster preparedness supplies ends midnight Saturday 31 MAY 14. From +NPR and +Mother Jones  .....

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration expects a relatively quiet Atlantic hurricane season, with three to six hurricanes developing between June 1 and the end of November. Forecasters say they expect El Nino conditions to develop in the coming months, which should produce winds in the Atlantic that discourage hurricane formation.

AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:
From NPR News, this is ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. I'm Audie Cornish.
ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:
And I'm Robert Siegel. Optimism and hurricanes are not words we usually utter together, but the Atlantic hurricane season begins June 1st, and today government forecasters offered some cautious optimism. They are expecting a relatively quiet year. Here's NPR's Jon Hamilton.
JON HAMILTON, BYLINE: Officials from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration issued this year's hurricane outlook from New York City's Office of Emergency Management. It's just a mile or so from areas of lower Manhattan that were under water after Hurricane Sandy in 2012. NOAA's administrator, Kathryn Sullivan, offered a preview of 2014.
KATHRYN SULLIVAN: NOAA predicts the Atlantic hurricane season in 2014 will have a range of eight to 13 tropical storms, three to six of which will become hurricanes.
HAMILTON: That's fewer tropical storms and hurricanes than in an average year. But Sullivan also cautioned that predictions are about probability not certainty.
SULLIVAN: Any section of our coastline can be hit by a severe tropical storm. And one storm, whatever the probabilities are, one storm can wreak tremendous havoc.
HAMILTON: Sullivan has reason to be cautious about seasonal forecasts. A year ago, NOAA predicted a busy season with at least seven hurricanes. They got just two and they were small ones. Still, NOAA's May forecasts are right about two-thirds of the time. And forecasters say this year there is strong evidence that conditions in the Atlantic won't be conducive to hurricane formation. One reason is water temperature. Gerry Bell, who is in charge of NOAA's seasonal forecast, says that since 1995, hurricanes have been fueled in part by unusually warm waters in the Atlantic.
GERRY BELL: This year, the Atlantic Ocean temperatures have cooled off and the computer models are indicating that we'll have a continuation of these near normal Atlantic temperatures through the season.
HAMILTON: Another factor likely to discourage hurricanes is what appears to be an emerging El Nino. El Nino starts in the Pacific but ultimately, it changes the wind patterns halfway around the world, in the Atlantic. Ben Kirtman, from the University of Miami's Rosenstiel School, says El Nino produces winds with more vertical shear, meaning the strength or direction is different at higher altitudes than it is closer to the ground.
BEN KIRTMAN: Hurricanes like to form where there's very little change with height in the strength of the winds. And so if there's a big change in strength with height, you just have this shearing effect that tends to reduce the number of hurricanes.
HAMILTON: And if the shear is strong enough, it can actually rip them apart. Kirtman says El Nino hasn't arrived yet. But he's pretty sure it will, based on his monitoring of about 100 different forecasts from across North America.
KIRTMAN: And I would say 65 or 70 percent of those 100 forecasts are calling for El Nino conditions to develop in the next two or three months. So, that's certainly good reason to have fairly high confidence that we are going to get an El Nino.
HAMILTON: Kirtman says El Nino conditions do more than discourage hurricanes. They also tend to increase rainfall in the southern part of the U.S.
KIRTMAN: And in fact, if this El Nino persists through the winter season like we think it's going to, there might be a little bit of a break in terms of the California drought, which has been very, very severe.
HAMILTON: However, the arrival of El Nino doesn't guarantee either rainfall or protection from potentially devastating hurricanes. During an El Nino in 1992, Hurricane Andrew became a Category 5 storm that destroyed Homestead, Florida. Andrew eventually killed 65 people and caused $26 billion in damage. Jon Hamilton, NPR News.

Hurricane Amanda Just Set an Ominous New Record


The first eastern Pacific hurricane of 2014 set a new intensity record. Here's why we could see even stronger storms before the year is over.

| Tue May 27, 2014 3:56 PM EDT
Hurricane Amanda in the eastern Pacific on May 25
Usually, people living in the United States don't pay much attention to hurricanes in the eastern Pacific, the other basin where megastorms that can affect North America are formed. Mostly, these storms wallop Mexico, or travel harmlessly out to sea. So, given the standard myopia of the media, we rarely hear much about them.
But this year, perhaps, we ought to be paying more attention. The eastern Pacific hurricane season started on May 15, and already, with its first storm, it has set an ominous record. The hurricane in question, named Amanda, spun up south of the Baja California peninsula Thursday, and on Sunday it attained maximum sustained wind speeds of 155 miles per hour—just below Category 5 status. Or as National Hurricane Center forecaster Stacy Stewart put it when the storm reached its peak strength: "Amanda is now the strongest May hurricane on record in the eastern Pacific basin during the satellite era."
This record is notable for two reasons. First of all, even though there remains a great deal of uncertainty and debate about the relationship between hurricanes and global warming, the fact is that in many hurricane basins across the world, new storm intensity records have been set just since the year 2000. Amanda therefore fits into this broader pattern.
Second, there is growing evidence that El Niño conditions—characterized by an eastward shift of warm water across the great Pacific Ocean, with global weather ramifications—are developing in the Pacific right now. The latest forecast from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration now gives us a greater than 65 percent chance that El Niño conditions will develop by this summer.
In El Niño years, we tend to see a great firing of hurricane activity in the eastern Pacific, and a suppression of these storms in the Atlantic. In fact, the strongest storm ever recorded in the eastern Pacific, Category 5 Hurricane Linda in 1997, occurred during the last super-strong El Niño year.
So if El Nino does occur, Amanda may not be the strongest storm that we see in the Eastern Pacific this year. That's potentially bad news for Mexico. In fact, there is even a tiny possibility that during an El Niño year, a storm might be able to travel as far north as Southern California (albeit in a pretty weakened state), as Hurricane Linda was at one point forecast to do. In fact, recent historical work on past hurricanes has revealed that in 1858, San Diego was struck by what appears to have been a Category 1 hurricane.
As of now, Hurricane Amanda has weakened and is not expected to affect land in a serious way. But this is definitely a storm whose significance extends well beyond its immediate impact.