Feinstein: Arno Burgi/DPA/ZUMA; CIA flag: CIA/Wikimedia Commons
This morning,
on C-SPAN, the foundation of the national security state exploded.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), the chair of the Senate
intelligence committee, took to the Senate floor and accused the CIA of
spying on committee investigators tasked with probing the agency's past
use of harsh interrogation techniques (a.k.a. torture) and detention.
Feinstein was responding to recent media stories
reporting
that the CIA had accessed computers used by intelligence committee
staffers working on the committee's investigation. The computers were
set up by the CIA in a locked room in a secure facility separate from
its headquarters, and CIA documents relevant to the inquiry were placed
on these computers for the Senate investigators. But, it turns out, the
Senate sleuths had also uncovered an internal CIA memo reviewing the
interrogation program that had not been turned over by the agency. This
document was far more critical of the interrogation program than the
CIA's official rebuttal to a still-classified, 6,300-page Senate
intelligence committee report that slams it, and the
CIA wanted to find out how the Senate investigators had gotten their mitts on this damaging memo.
The CIA's infiltration of the Senate's torture probe was a possible
constitutional violation and perhaps a criminal one, too. The agency's
inspector general and the Justice Department have begun inquiries. And
as the story recently broke, CIA sources—no names, please—told reporters
that the
real issue was whether the Senate investigators had
hacked the CIA to obtain the internal review. Readers of the few
newspaper stories on all this did not have to peer too far between the
lines to discern a classic Washington battle was under way between
Langley and Capitol Hill.
Then Feinstein went nuclear. For
more than a half hour this morning, she gave what she called a "full
accounting." She began by noting her reluctance to go public:
Let me say up front that I come to the Senate floor reluctantly.
Since January 15, 2014, when I was informed of the CIA search of this
committee’s network, I've been trying to resolve this dispute in a
discreet and respectful way. I have not commented in response to media
requests for additional information on this matter; however, the
increasing amount of inaccurate information circulating now cannot be
allowed to stand unanswered.
In other words, she felt that the spies were leaking
false information to nail her and her staffers. So she was upping the
ante by taking this dispute out of the shadows.
Feinstein said that the CIA appeared to have violated the Fourth
Amendment barring unreasonable searches and seizures—and perhaps
other federal laws and a presidential executive order prohibiting the
CIA from domestic searches and surveillance. She confirmed that the
Justice Department was on the case. She said she has demanded an apology
from the CIA and an admission that the agency's search of the
intelligence committee’s computers was wrong. "I have received neither,"
she declared.
This unprecedented speech by Feinstein has ramifications beyond the
immediate controversy over the CIA search. It undermines the basis for
secret government.
The United States is a republic, and elected officials in all three
branches are supposed to be held accountable by those famous checks and
balances that school kids learn about in civics classes. When it comes
to the clandestine activities of the US government—the operations of the
CIA, the other intelligence outfits, and the covert arms of the
military—the theory is straightforward: These activities are permitted
only because there is congressional oversight. The citizenry is not told
about such actions because doing so would endanger national security
and render these activities moot. But such secret doings of the
executive branch are permissible because elected representatives of the
people in the legislative branch monitor these activities and are in a
position to impose accountability.
That's how it's supposed to work. But since the founding of the
national security state in the years after World War II, there have been
numerous occasions when the spies, snoops, and secret warriors of the
US government have not informed the busybodies on Capitol Hill about all
of their actions. In the 1970s, after revelations of CIA assassination
programs and other outrageous intelligence agency misdeeds, Congress
created what was supposed to be a tighter system of congressional
oversight. But following that, the CIA and other undercover government
agencies still mounted operations without telling Congress. (See the
Iran-Contra scandal.) Often the spies went to imaginative lengths to
keep Congress in the dark. More recently, members of the intelligence
community have said they were not fully in the know about
the NSA's extensive surveillance programs. Of course, there was a
countervailing complaint from the spies. Often when a secret program
becomes public knowledge, members of Congress proclaim their shock, even
though they had been told about it.
Overall, the system of congressional oversight has hardly (as far as
the public can tell) been stellar. And it has raised doubts about the
ability of a democratic government to mount secret ops and wage secret
wars in a manner consistent with the values of accountability and
transparency. What was essential to decent governance on this front was
the delicate relationship between congressional overseers and the
intelligence agencies. The intelligence committees have to be forceful
and fierce in monitoring the spooks (a responsibility often not met),
and the spies have to be cooperative and forthcoming (again, a
responsibility often not met). There has to be trust. The committees
have to hold faith that the agencies are indeed coming clean, for there
is no way a handful of congressional investigators can fully track all
the operations of the massive intelligence establishment, and the
agencies have to be assured that secrets they shared with the
investigators will not be leaked for political purposes. And at the end
of the day, elected representatives have to be able to come to the
public and say, "We're keeping a close eye on all this secret stuff, and
we are satisfied that we know what is happening and that these
activities are being conducted in an appropriate manner." If such
credible assurances cannot be delivered, the system doesn't work—and the
justification for allowing secret government within an open democracy
is in tatters.
Which is where we are today. Feinstein, no firebrand, is in open war
with the CIA. Her speech outlined plenty of trouble she had reviewing
the CIA interrogation and detention program—before the computer search
imbroglio. She decried "CIA interference in our investigation." And she
maintained that her investigators had not hacked the CIA to get the
internal review. "We don't know whether the documents were provided
intentionally by the CIA, unintentionally by the CIA, or intentionally
by a whistle-blower," she said, raising the possibility that the CIA
itself had failed to maintain a cover-up. And she noted that this
internal review—unlike the CIA's direct response to the intelligence
committee's report—contained "acknowledgement of significant CIA
wrongdoing." She reported that the CIA has refused to answer questions
she has submitted about the agency's search of the committee's
computers.
So here we have the person assigned the duty of guaranteeing that the
intelligence establishment functions effectively and appropriately, and
she cannot get information about how the CIA meddled in one of her own
investigations. This is a serious breakdown. And by the way, Feinstein
has still not succeeded in forcing the CIA to declassify her committee's
massive report on the interrogation and detention program. [
Correction:
The Senate intelligence committee is updating the report, and Feinstein
said she intends to "to move to have the findings, conclusions and the
executive summary of the report sent to the president for
declassification and release to the American people." The White House
says it wants to receive the report from the committee so it can put the
report through the declassification process and release the appropriate
sections.]
Here is how she summed up the current state of play:
If the Senate can declassify this report, we will be able to ensure
that an un-American, brutal program of detention and interrogation will
never again be considered or permitted. But, Mr. President, the recent
actions that I have just laid out make this a defining moment for the
oversight of our intelligence committee. How Congress and how this will
be resolved will show whether the intelligence committee can be
effective in monitoring and investigating our nation's intelligence
activities or whether our work can be thwarted by those we oversee.
What Feinstein didn't say—but it's surely implied—is that without
effective monitoring, secret government cannot be justified in a
democracy. This is indeed a defining moment. It's a big deal for
President Barack Obama, who, as is often noted in these situations, once
upon a time taught constitutional law. Feinstein has ripped open a scab
to reveal a deep wound that has been festering for decades. The
president needs to respond in a way that demonstrates he is serious
about making the system work and restoring faith in the oversight of the
intelligence establishment. This is more than a spies-versus-pols DC
turf battle. It is a constitutional crisis.