NORTON META TAG

Showing posts with label arab allies. Show all posts
Showing posts with label arab allies. Show all posts

20 September 2014

War Is Not the Answer 11SEP14


WAR IS NOT THE ANSWER, and there is a better way to deal with the terrorism of isis and a host of other groups and organizations in the Middle East, Maghreb and Arabian peninsula. Here is My representative's (Rep Gerry Connolly D VA) inadequate response to my e mail to him opposing expanding US Military involvement in Iraq and Syria. He voted to support Pres Obama's war, to support the military-industrial complex and other war profiteers. He voted to sacrifice American lives and our tax dollars. He deliberately lies when he says his isis and the other terrorist groups are a real threat to the security of the U.S. The are a threat to corporate America's profit margins from the business they conduct with the brutal, dictatorial, undemocratic regimes of our false "allies" in these regions. This is followed by Jim Wallis' post on +Sojourners against this march to war.....

September 19, 2014

Thank you for contacting me regarding the threat posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and similarly violent terrorist groups. I appreciate your interest in this issue, and your views are important to me.
The President has laid out a bold and decisive strategy to lead a multilateral operation designed to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL, and I believe Congress has a constructive and collaborative role to play in this effort. This is a threat the United States must address. ISIL's program of genocide is undermining the stability of Iraq, threatening our partners in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, and reversing gains made by moderate forces in Syria against a brutal dictator.
In response to the President's consultation with Congress on the deepening crisis in Syria, almost one year ago to the day, I introduced a resolution authorizing the President to carry out airstrikes against the Assad regime. In that instance, Congress demurred. I believe the President will now find bipartisan support in Congress for airstrikes in Iraq and Syria. This tactic has thus far effectively bolstered our partners on the ground, protected American assets, and facilitated humanitarian missions.
I expect a robust debate regarding the plan to arm opposition forces in Syria. It may prove to be the most challenging task we face, moving forward. As the President stated, we must remain vigilant against terrorist threats to America and its allies. As a senior member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, I will be monitoring this issue closely to ensure that actions taken by the United States are in the best interest of our national security.  
Once again, thank you for expressing your concern on this very important issue. I appreciate hearing from you. For more information on my views on other issues, please feel free to visit my website at http://connolly.house.gov. I also encourage you to visit the website to sign up for my e-newsletter.
Sincerely,

Gerald E. Connolly
Member of Congress
11th District, Virginia

War Is Not the Answer


That was a bumper sticker Sojourners published at the outset of the Iraq war more than a decade ago. American church leaders had not only opposed the war but offered an alternative: "An Alternative to War for Defeating Saddam Hussein, A Religious Initiative." We not only presented it to Colin Powell’s personal council and Tony Blair, but also printed full-page ads in every major British newspaper the day before their Parliamentary debate and vote on the war. The U.K.’s Secretary of State for International Affairs, Clair Short, told me the only real alternative on the table in their Cabinet meetings was “The American church leaders’ plan,” which, she said, was seriously discussed. U.S. and U.K. leaders showed they were drawn to an alternative plan to war that would remove any weapons of mass destruction that Saddam Hussein might have had (which he did not) and even to ultimately remove him from power but without going to war. Pope John Paul II was also opposed to the potential war. Both the Vatican and the American church leaders warned that the potential costs of a war in Iraq could include increasing the scope and threats of international terrorism. ISIS is that sad prophecy come true; the habit of war prevailed.

Sojourners magazine Jan.-Feb. 2003 cover
I have always believed that any alternative to war must still address the very real problems at hand — just in a more effective way. To say that “war is not the answer” is not only a moral statement but also is a serious critique of what doesn’t work; wars often fail to solve the problems and ultimately make them worse. War has to answer to metrics, just as more peaceful alternatives do. The war in Iraq was a complete failure with enormous human and financial costs; ISIS is now one of the consequences.
Yesterday I spoke at a very creative non-partisan conference at the American Enterprise Institute on finding a new approach to end poverty. I was pleasantly surprised when I saw all the press cameras — until I realized they were only there to cover Dick Cheney’s news conference on how America should respond to ISIS in the room next door. Dana Milbank in The Washington Post said:
“It was just like the good old days. Scooter Libby was in the front row. Paul Wolfowitz was in the second. And on the stage was Dick Cheney, beating the drums of war.”
Yet again, Cheney railed against President Obama in a “pre-buttal” to the president’s speech coming that night. Cheney’s strategy, along with others like John McCain and Bill Kristol, calls for serial American invasions and continued occupations in every Middle Eastern country where there is conflict — one after another. Milbank concluded, “In summary: War, war and more war.”
I agree with Pope Francis when he said it is legitimate to stop an unjust aggressor:
"I underscore the verb 'to stop'. I am not saying 'bomb' or 'make war', but 'stop him.' The means by which he can be stopped must be evaluated. Stopping the unjust aggressor is legitimate."
This morning, former National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski agreed, saying the war 10 years ago “was a monumental disaster for which we are still paying.”
President Obama spoke to the “unique brutality” of ISIS, destroying all who are in their path, including children; turning women into sex slaves; perpetrating genocide against religious minorities, including Christians; beheading their enemies,; and turning foreigners into hardened fighters who could bring their terror back to other countries around the world. ISIS clearly revels in its own brutality by eagerly putting it all up on YouTube. I would add religious “blasphemy” to the crimes of ISIS, doing their proud brutal deeds in the name of God — which is an utter offense to all people of faith.
That the world, including the United States, needs to respond decisively to the real threats of ISIS is beyond dispute, but the practical and moral question is — how? Let’s remember the principle that alternatives to war must answer the questions that war promises to answer — but in a better way.
I give President Obama credit for wanting to respond in a “different way” than the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. His strategy will focus on air strikes but also relies on supporting and training Middle East partners on the ground, which will be necessary to defeat a force already as powerful as ISIS.
But who those partners will be is still a huge question at this point. All our potential allies are on one side or the other of the 1,400-year-old Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict, which produces very different visions for the future of the Middle East. Air strikes will always kill innocent civilians, which will fuel the hatred of the outside superpower and be used to recruit more terrorists. And the 1,600 American troops who will soon be in Iraq will have to stand with their “boots” someplace, which will be more likely “on the ground” than in hotel rooms and offices.
To forge solutions to conflict that are an alternative to the endless and failed habits of war demands a much stronger set of other strategies — which the White House has yet to fully understand or embrace. I applaud the president for seeking a multi-national coalition and a more international approach. But that could have begun with the United Nations, where the U.S. will chair the Security Council in just two weeks — rather than taking the American plan to the U.N. for support. Strong U.N. leadership could both recruit more Middle East partners and help take the United States out of the role of the most hated target of Islamic fundamentalism.
Aggressive diplomacy and the willingness to impose crippling economic sanctions are both necessary if we are ever to find alternatives to war. For example, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Emirates have yet to be held accountable — for their enormous inequalities and injustices that have spawned terrorism and for their export of hateful ideologies and funding support for jihadist groups. Stifling money for terrorist groups must extend to any and all nations, businesses, or organizations with any connections to the flow of that lethal money.
Ultimately, we won’t see an end to our “war on terrorism” without dealing with the underlying causes, and not just targeting the consequences of growing terrorism. We must address the world of oil that the West has created, that has literally defined nations, changed geography, and institutionalized the injustices and hypocrisies that breeds the grievances of terrorism. Having justified the unjust structure of that oil world to accommodate our addiction to fossil fuels has produced both a profound threat to our planet and the rise of an angry terrorism that threatens our own children. We must address the fact that 60 percent of the Middle East population is under 30 years of age, and many of them are unemployed, uneducated, aggrieved, and angry young men — too easily drawn to the rhetoric of revenge. To overcome terrorism we must address the grievances that give rise to it and are exploited by hateful extremists.
Again, we must address all of these causes. War and more war will not be able to solve any of it.
Jim Wallis is president of Sojourners. His book, The (Un)Common Good: How the Gospel Brings Hope to a World Divided , the updated and revised paperback version of On God’s Side, is available now. Follow Jim on Twitter @JimWallis.
 

16 September 2014

Tell Congress: No rush to war & Why are we fighting someone else's war again? 16&10SEP14


ARE we the people going to let the military-industrial complex, the war profiteers of wall street and the Washington politicians mislead and deceive us into another war in Iraq, another Middle East war? Are we going to send our military to die and be wounded in countries where we, as a nation, are hated and despised? We can't even provide proper care and support for the wounded still returning from our war in Afghanistan and from our last war in Iraq? Tragic and brutal as the murders of James Foley and Steve Sotloff were, they do not justify the deaths and wounding of thousands more Americans. We do not have allies in the Arab Middle East, we have consumers of our weapons systems and business interest. American lives should not be sacrificed for corporate profits. Click the link to tell your senators NO MORE AMERICAN WARS in the Middle East. And remember, it was public outrage and outcry that prevented us from getting us involved in Syria last year. We have the power and can stop this march to war in Iraq and Syria. From +Daily Kos .....

War hawks are trying to rush us into yet another lengthy war without any questions or debate. We need to hit the pause button here, take a breath and remember what happened the last two times we did this.

Then, we need to make sure our elected officials take the time to ask the tough questions.

Sign and send a petition to your U.S. senators: Don’t rush to war. Now’s the time for debate.

War hawks like Dick Cheney and John McCain are beating the drum for new war in the Middle East—and, just as in 2003, most of the media are letting them make their case without criticism or questioning. Even Congress may allow new military intervention in the Middle East without so much as a floor debate or a vote to authorize it. This is unacceptable.

After a decade of war, Americans understand that military action has profound consequences. Congress needs to vigorously and publicly debate newly proposed action in the Middle East.

Tell your senators: No rush to war.

Keep fighting,
Chris Bowers 


Wed Sep 10, 2014 at 01:26 PM PDT

Why are we fighting someone else's war again?

A Kurdish Peshmerga fighter holds a a rocket-propelled grenade launcher as he takes up position in an area overlooking Baretle village (background), which is controlled by the Islamic State, in Khazir, on the edge of Mosul September 8, 2014. The Kurdish fighters are firing from an area they had retaken from the Islamic State, on Bashiqah mountain.  September 8, 2014. REUTERS/Ahmed Jadallah
Someone else's war. Not ours.
Everything I wrote here still stands. We've spent billions arming our Middle East allies to the teeth. They are the ones directly threatened by Islamic State/ISIS/ISIL. Not us.
So why is it us that have to do the fighting? It's their backyard, but they can watch comfortably as the United States bleeds trillions more to bail them out? Nice gig, if you can get it.
Let those directly threatened by Islamic State put their skin in the game.

Originally posted to kos on Wed Sep 10, 2014 at 01:26 PM PDT.

Also republished by Group W: Resisting War and Daily Kos.

13 September 2014

مفاجأة! لدينا الحلفاء العرب لن حقا أن تفعل أي شيء لمساعدتنا على مكافحة ISIS & A وي شك في ذلك القوة المتبقية الجميع يحافظ على الهذيان معلومات وانظر لنفسك فقط كيف اللعنة معقدة وقد الشرق الأوسط تصبح 12 و11SEP14

مفاجأة! لدينا الحلفاء العرب لن حقا أن تفعل أي شيء لمساعدتنا على مكافحة ISIS & A وي شك في ذلك القوة المتبقية الجميع يحافظ على الهذيان معلومات وانظر لنفسك فقط كيف اللعنة معقدة وقد الشرق الأوسط تصبح 12 و11SEP14

هنا ثلاث مواد العظيمة التي تضع الوضع برمته في سهل جدا الإنجليزية. حلفاؤنا العرب في الشرق الأوسط لا حلفائنا، هم رجال الدين الذين الديكتاتورية تريد منا أن نفعل عملهم القذر ودفع ثمنها مع أرواح الأمريكيين والضرائب دولار. (لا لنفسك صالح واضغط على الرابط لخريطة تفاعلية أدناه) E بريدك ممثل ، يا أعضاء مجلس الشيوخ و حالة الرئيس أوباما ، ونقول لهم لقد كان لدينا ما يكفي، نحن لا نريد حرب أخرى في الشرق الأوسط. من + الأم جونز .....

| الجمعة 12 سبتمبر 2014 10:43 بتوقيت شرق الولايات المتحدة
هنا هو قصة مثيرة للدهشة أقل من اليوم:
تذمر العديد من الحكومات العربية بهدوء في عام 2011 وغادر الولايات المتحدة العراق، تخشى أنه قد تقع أعمق إلى الفوضى أو النفوذ الإيراني. الآن، الولايات المتحدة عاد والحصول على أقل من متحمسة ترحيب، مع حلفاء الرائدة مثل مصر والأردن وتركيا سبل إيجاد كل يوم الخميس لتجنب التزامات محددة لتوسيع الحملة العسكرية الرئيس أوباما ضد المتطرفين السنة.
.... الدعم الفاتر يمكن أن يزيد من تعقيد المهمة المعقدة بالفعل وضعت السيد أوباما لنفسه في محاربة المتطرفين الدولة الإسلامية في العراق وسوريا: يجب عليه محاولة لمواجهة فريق دون مساعدة الرئيس السوري، بشار الأسد، أو التي تظهر إلى جنب مع السيد حلفاء الأسد الشيعي وإيران وجماعة حزب الله ضد السنة الساخطة في أنحاء العالم العربي.
إذا لم البلدان العربية فقط بشكل قاطع لا تريد لدعم جهودنا لمكافحة ISIS، فإن ذلك لن يكون مفاجئا. التدخل الأمريكي في الشرق الأوسط بالكاد لديه تاريخ من النجاح تحسد عليه. سيكون من المفهوم تماما إذا أرادوا لنا فقط للحفاظ على أنوفنا من الأشياء.
ولكن هذا ليس ما يحدث. انها ليست أنهم لا يريدون التدخل الأمريكي. وقد تم العديد من هذه البلدان التسول عمليا لذلك. المشكلة هي أنهم يريدون مساعدتنا فقط لدعم الملاحقات الطائفية والقومية الخاصة بها. يريدون أمريكا لارتكاب بئر لا نهاية لها من القوات والأسلحة في خدمة العداوات القديمة وجداول الأعمال الإجرامية التي كانوا هم أنفسهم غير مستعدين لارتكاب قواتهم والمال ل. ولسبب ما، ونحافظ على اللعب جنبا إلى جنب مع المهزلة.
ISIS القتال ليس حقا جزءا من هذه الأجندة. انها السنة. انها مضادة للالأسد. وانها بعيدة. معظم حلفاء المفترضة لدينا في الشرق الأوسط إما لا يهتمون كثيرا عن ذلك أو دعمت بنشاط في الماضي. وأنها سوف تدفع ضريبة كلامية لتدمير عليه الآن لأنها لا تريد لكسر مع الولايات المتحدة تماما، ولكن هذا عن ذلك. انها مجرد ضريبة كلامية.
بواسطة غدا أنها سوف تكون العودة إلى الإمساك خاصة أننا لم تحول إيران إلى سهل زجاجي أو شيء. وبعد ذلك، مثل زوجين من يدري زواجهما مكسورة ولكن لا يمكن تحمل تماما فكرة الطلاق، سنكون الخلفي لالتمسيد غرورهم واعدة أننا حقا لا يشاركونهم اهتماماتهم. لم نفعل ذلك، والحمد لله: نحن لسنا تماما أن لئيم. نحن نريد فقط النفط ونوعا من التسامح غير المعلن لإسرائيل.
يتغير أبدا. العام المقبل التفاصيل سوف تكون مختلفة قليلا، ولكن سنذهب من خلال نفس الرقص في جميع أنحاء مرة أخرى. الصيحة.
| الخميس 11 سبتمبر 2014 13:28 بتوقيت شرق الولايات المتحدة
وهنا شيء أنا لا تحصل. يبدو الجمهوريون على عقد عالميا ما يلي آراء اثنين عن العراق وISIS:
  1. الرئيس أوباما هو المسؤول عن نجاح عسكري من ISIS لأنه رفض للحفاظ على القوة المتبقية في العراق بعد عام 2011.
  2. في مكافحة ISIS، ونحن بالتأكيد لا نريد لإرسال قوات قتالية. لا لا لا.
"قوة متبقية" أصبح شيئا من تعويذة لمنتقدي المحافظ من سياسة أوباما تجاه العراق. انها نوع من مثل "توفير الأسلحة"، واقتراح لجميع الأغراض لكل صراع من الصقور الذين يعرفون أن الجمهور لا يقف لإرسال قوات برية لكن الذين يريدون لدعم العضلات شيئا أكثر من العقوبات. انها لدغة الصوت رائعة لأنه يبدو معقولا وأبلغ طالما كنت لا أعتقد من الصعب جدا حيال ذلك (ما السلاح؟ لمن؟ هو أحد المدربين على استخدامها؟ الخ). لحسن الحظ، فإن معظم الناس لا يفكرون من الصعب جدا حول هذا الموضوع.
"القوة المتبقية" يبدو جيدا جدا. ولكن إذا كنا لا نريد القوات على الارض في مكافحة ISIS، فإنه بالضبط ما فعلت؟ تسكع بغداد لرفع معنوياته ومعنويات القوات العراقية التي جاءت الفارين من العودة بعد أن واجهت قوات ISIS؟ إجراء أكثر من أي وقت مضى "التدريب"؟ أم ماذا؟ يمكن أن تقولوا لي فقط ما يعتقد الجميع هذه القوة السحرية المتبقية قد أنجز؟

كيفن طبل

مدون سياسي
كيفن الطبل هو مدون سياسي ل الأم جونز . لأكثر من قصصه، انقر هنا . RSS |
| الجمعة 12 سبتمبر 2014 13:49 بتوقيت شرق الولايات المتحدة
  • منتصف الرسم البياني العلاقة الشرقي
الخريطة التفاعلية
ديفيد McCandless / المعلومات مشروع جميل
هوذا الشرق الأوسط! إذا استطعنا أن نفهم فقط كل ما على الدول القوية والبلدان تتهاوى، الدول غير المعترف بها، و"الجهات الفاعلة غير الحكومية"، والقوى الخارجية عن الفكر من بعضها البعض، ونحن قد تكون قادرة على رسم طريق واضح إلى الأمام ، أليس كذلك؟ لا احصل على الآمال، على الرغم من أن أحدث مشروع من رؤية البيانات البريطانية ديفيد McCandless هو جهد الباسلة حقا لفهم كل شيء مع ذلك.
McCandless "رسمت 38 players- الإقليمية من أفغانستان إلى اليمن وتنظيم القاعدة إلى Union- الأوروبي وترتبط كل لأصدقائها وأعدائها الرئيسيين. والنتيجة هي كرة متشابكة الذي يوضح العلاقات المعقدة بشكل كبير في المنطقة. (يمكنك تحليل علاقات كل الفاعل على، كاملة نسخة تفاعلية على الموقع McCandless، معلومات جميلة، والتي يجب عليك مراجعة حقا.)
McCandless يدعو هذا العمل إلى "مستمر، مخطط المتطورة،" لذلك قد يكون في عداد المفقودين بضعة اتصالات (روسيا قريبا، والحصول على وثيقة العلاقة مع العراق، على سبيل المثال). إذا كان لديك المزيد من الأفكار، وقال انه يرحب المدخلات على عنوان البريد الإلكتروني نشر على موقعه.

اليكس بارك

الكتابة زميل
اليكس بارك هو زميل الكتابة في الأم جونز . لأكثر من قصصه، انقر هنا . RSS |

Surprise! Our Arab Allies Aren't Really Going to Do Anything to Help Us Fight ISIS & A Wee Question About That Residual Force Everyone Keeps Blathering About & See for Yourself Just How Damn Complicated the Middle East Has Become 12&11SEP14

HERE are three great articles that lay the whole situation out in very plain English. Our Arab allies in the Middle East aren't our allies, they are dictatorial theocrats who want us to do their dirty work and pay for it with American lives and tax dollars. (Do yourself a favor and click the link to the interactive map below) E mail your representative, your senators and Pres Obama, tell them we have had enough, we do not want another Middle East war. From +Mother Jones .....

| Fri Sep. 12, 2014 10:43 AM EDT
Here is the least surprising story of the day:
Many Arab governments grumbled quietly in 2011 as the United States left Iraq, fearful it might fall deeper into chaos or Iranian influence. Now, the United States is back and getting a less than enthusiastic welcome, with leading allies like Egypt, Jordan and Turkey all finding ways on Thursday to avoid specific commitments to President Obama’s expanded military campaign against Sunni extremists.
....The tepid support could further complicate the already complex task Mr. Obama has laid out for himself in fighting the extremist Islamic State in Iraq and Syria: He must try to confront the group without aiding Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad, or appearing to side with Mr. Assad’s Shiite allies, Iran and the militant group Hezbollah, against discontented Sunnis across the Arab world.
If Arab countries just flatly didn't want to support our anti-ISIS effort, that wouldn't be surprising. American intervention in the Middle East hardly has an enviable history of success. It would be entirely understandable if they just wanted us to keep our noses out of things.
But that's not what's going on. It's not that they don't want American intervention. Many of these countries have been practically begging for it. The problem is that they want our help solely in support of their own sectarian and nationalist pursuits. They want America to commit an endless well of troops and arms in service of ancient enmities and murderous agendas that they themselves are unwilling to commit their own troops and money to. And for some reason, we keep playing along with the charade.
Fighting ISIS isn't really part of this agenda. It's Sunni; it's anti-Assad; and it's far away. Most of our putative allies in the Middle East either don't care very much about it or have actively supported it in the past. They'll pay lip service to destroying it now because they don't want to break with the United States entirely, but that's about it. It's just lip service.
By tomorrow they'll be back to privately griping that we haven't turned Iran into a glassy plain or something. And then, like a couple who knows their marriage is broken but can't quite bear the thought of divorce, we'll be back to stroking their egos and promising that we really do share their interests. We don't, thank God: we're not quite that depraved. We just want their oil and a sort of unstated tolerance of Israel.
It never changes. Next year the details will be slightly different, but we'll go through the same dance all over again. Hooray.
| Thu Sep. 11, 2014 1:28 PM EDT

Here's something I don't get. Republicans seem to universally hold the following two opinions about Iraq and ISIS:
  1. President Obama is to blame for the military success of ISIS because he declined to keep a residual force in Iraq after 2011.
  2. In the fight against ISIS, we certainly don't want to send in combat troops. No no no.
"Residual force" has become something of a talisman for conservative critics of Obama's Iraq policy. It's sort of like "providing arms," the all-purpose suggestion for every conflict from hawks who know the public won't stand for sending in ground troops but who want to support something more muscular than sanctions. It's a wonderful sound bite because it sounds sensible and informed as long as you don't think too hard about it (what arms? for whom? is anyone trained to use them? etc.). Luckily, most people don't think too hard about it.
"Residual force" sounds good too. But if we don't want boots on the ground in the fight against ISIS, what exactly would it have done? Hang around Baghdad to buck up the morale of the Iraqi forces that came fleeing back after encountering ISIS forces? Conduct ever more "training"? Or what? Can someone tell me just what everyone thinks this magical residual force would have accomplished?

Kevin Drum

Political Blogger
Kevin Drum is a political blogger for Mother Jones. For more of his stories, click here. RSS |
| Fri Sep. 12, 2014 1:49 PM EDT
  • mid east relationship chart
INTERACTIVE MAP
David McCandless/The Information Is Beautiful Project
Behold, the Middle East! If we could just understand what all the strong countries, the falling-apart countries, the unrecognized-countries, the "non-state actors", and the outside powers all thought of each other, we might be able to chart a clear way forward, right? Don't get your hopes up, although the latest project by British data visionary David McCandless is a really valiant effort to make sense of it all nonetheless.
McCandless' charted 38 regional players— from Afghanistan to Yemen, Al Qaeda to the European Union— and connected each to its major friends and enemies. The result is a tangled ball that illustrates the enormously complicated relationships in the region. (You can parse each actor's relationships on the full, interactive version on McCandless' site, Information Is Beautiful, which you should really check out.)
McCandless calls this work an "ongoing, evolving diagram," so it may be missing a few connections (Russia's close, getting closer relationship with Iraq, for instance). If you have more ideas, he welcomes input at the email address posted on his site.

Alex Park

Writing Fellow
Alex Park is a writing fellow at Mother Jones. For more of his stories, click here. RSS |