Hegseth Criticizes Europe Over Migration ‘Invasion’ in D-Day Speech 7JUN26

 

SECRETARY of Defense fascist fotze trunt petie lola hegseth proves he is not qualified for the position he holds but is actually a no class loud mouth PUNK. He is more a gang leader than a Sec of Defense, the only position he is qualified for is on his knees licking NOT MY pres drumpf's/trump's ass. From the New York Times.....

Hegseth Criticizes Europe Over Migration ‘Invasion’ in D-Day Speech

The remarks from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reflect many of the Trump administration’s previous assertions on immigrants in Europe, which overlap with the language of European far-right political parties.

By Claire Moses

June 7, 2026

 Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth used a D-Day speech in France on Saturday to criticize Europe over its migration policies, saying that “dangerous ideologies” were storming the continent’s shores, in what he compared to an “invasion.”

On the 82nd anniversary of D-Day, the largest seaborne invasion in history, Mr. Hegseth made the speech at the Normandy American Cemetery before nearly 9,400 graves of American soldiers, most of whom died in the assault on June 6, 1944, and the operations that followed. The anniversary is usually regarded as a time to commemorate unity among Allied countries that fought against Nazi Germany.

In his remarks, Mr. Hegseth said that “freedom is not free” and especially praised the role played by American troops, but said that over the past eight or so decades, some European countries had grown “comfortable.”

“Today, different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies,” he said. “Boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion? Or is it too late?”

The comments appear to reflect the United States’ recently updated national security strategy around the world, which warned that Europe was on a path to becoming “unrecognizable” because of migration policies that it said were undermining the national identities of European countries. The document provoked sharp retorts from across Europe.

Many of the Trump administration’s assertions on immigrants in Europe overlap with the language of far-right political parties in European countries, which have seen an increase in support since a migration crisis that peaked between 2014 and 2016. The European Union’s border agency, Frontex, reported that unauthorized border crossings dropped by a quarter in 2025, continuing a yearslong trend.

On Friday, Vice President JD Vance also criticized European migration policies, when he commented on the 2025 killing in England of Henry Nowak, an 18-year-old who had been handcuffed by police as he lay dying after being stabbed by a man, who was Sikh.

In a post on social media, Mr. Vance blamed Mr. Nowak’s death on “European elites” and “the mass invasion of migrants.” Britain’s government condemned Mr. Vance’s comments, according to the BBC, saying that the vice president was interfering in its democracy and seeking to create further division.

In Mr. Hegseth’s speech on Saturday, he praised American veterans of the D-Day invasion, only a few of whom survive today.

“We owe you a debt of gratitude we can never repay,” he said.

Mr. Hegseth’s speech, his second on this anniversary as defense secretary, also comes against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine, which started with Russia’s invasion in 2022. He did not mention that war in his speech.

Claire Moses is a Times reporter in London, focused on coverage of breaking and trending news.

Our Coverage of U.S. Immigration

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• Louisiana ICE Facility: Multiple allegations of mistreatment were documented last year at the Winn Correctional Center in Winnfield, La., in a previously undisclosed report by the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Inspector General, an internal watchdog.

• Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia: Abrego Garcia has been saying that he would end his legal fight with the Trump administration if he could be deported to Costa Rica. Markwayne Mullin, the new homeland security secretary, told Congress that his department had no problem sending him there in what appeared to be a change of course for the administration.

• Protesters Convicted: A jury in Spokane, Wash., convicted three anti-ICE demonstrators in a closely watched case that tested the effectiveness of the Trump administration’s effort to use federal conspiracy charges against protesters.

Sign the petition: Less than a week to defeat Trump's AI mass surveillance of Americans 24APR26

 

Sign the petition: Less than a week to defeat Trump's AI mass surveillance of Americans

THE NOT MY pres drumpf / trump and NOT MY vp vance administration's lack of respect for the US Constitution and the rule of law is proof enough congress must pass the bipartisan privacy protections and critical reforms of FISA to stop warrantless surveillance of Americans. Please sign this petition from Demand Progress and please take the time to e mail your representative and senators telling them to reject FISA section 702 and the government domestic spying loopholes republicans are insisting on including in the FISA reauthorization. It will be better for our democratic Republic to let FISA lapse rather than pass FISA reauthorization with the drumpf / trump-vance Orwellian enhancements. My e mails will be at the end of this post.....

TELL Congress: Republicans are still scrambling to preserve Trump's warrantless spying powers, but a bipartisan majority in Congress is fighting for privacy protections. Sign the petition: Don't let Trump get his way on FISA. Pass critical reforms to stop warrantless surveillance of Americans!

ADD YOUR NAME

Trump and Speaker Johnson are still scrambling to hold onto their powers to surveil Americans without a warrant.

Stephen Miller wanted to extend and expand government mass surveillance by "quietly" reauthorizing Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). It didn't work. Johnson tried to ram a vote through. It didn't work.^1,2 Now, Republicans are trying to water down any reform efforts to make them toothless.

A lot will be decided in the next few days before the April 30 FISA reauthorization deadline, and we must keep fighting for these critical privacy reforms.

Sign the petition: Tell Congress to close Trump's spying loopholes NOW!

ADD YOUR NAME

Federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies exploit the “data broker loophole” to bypass privacy rights by purchasing our sensitive private information from data collection companies. They also use the “backdoor search loophole” to circumvent court orders and search through billions of communications. This is what's at stake over the next week.

Adding to the dangers of the government's domestic spying capabilities, the White House recently said it wants to use AI to collect and analyze "commercial bulk data on Americans, such as geolocation and web browsing data."³ It would be a terrifying expansion of the Trump administration's spying powers.

With the April 30 deadline looming, it's critical that we ramp up the pressure on members of Congress to follow through with reforms as Trump and Johnson get more desperate.

Sign the petition: No AI-powered warrantless surveillance in America! Block reauthorization of FISA unless it includes protections for our privacy.

Thanks for taking action,

Joey and the team at Demand Progress

DONATE

Sources:

1. Axios, "Trump suffers rare defeat with House Republicans," April 17, 2026.
2. Common Dreams, "Trump Openly Calls for 'Clean' Extension of Spying Power Opposed by Privacy Advocates," March 25, 2026.
3. The New York Times, "How Talks Between Anthropic and the Defense Dept. Fell Apart," March 1, 2026.

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MY E MAILS TO REP SUBRAMANYAM D-VA 10TH, SEN WARNER D-VA AND SEN KAINE D-VA

I expect you to oppose as well as work on the entire Virginia congressional delegation to make sure FISA is not reauthorized if it includes the authoritarian drumpf / trump-vance-miller data broker and backdoor search loopholes and section 702. This administration has no respect for our constitution and the rule of law, they can not be trusted to defend our democratic Republic if their "enhancements" to FISA are included. Our democracy will be better served if FISA is not reauthorized including any of this administration's Orwellian demands.

Thank you

Fighting for future generations of kids born in the U.S.A. 14TH Amendment, Birthright Citizenship 4APR26

 HERE'S an update from the ACLU on their argument to scotus in defense of the 14th Amendment, the Birthright Citizenship law, on 1APR26. A decision is expected in late June or early July.

"President Trump was sitting six feet away from me in the courtroom... and I dare say he got a good lesson in American constitutional law." – Anthony D. Romero, ACLU Executive Director

ACLU National Legal Director Cecillia Wang and ACLU Executive Director Anthony D. Romero exit the Supreme Court. On Wednesday, the ACLU went to the Supreme Court to defend babies born in the U.S.A. in our landmark case, Trump v. Barbara – challenging President Trump's attempt to overturn birthright citizenship. Outside the courtroom that day, our ACLU community showed up with us in force. Hundreds rallied at the Supreme Court steps in D.C. in person – while the names of over 315,000 people who signed our petition in support of birthright citizenship were proudly displayed in D.C. Lawyers, advocates, and impacted families spoke about the chaos and harm that this executive order would cause – and how critical it is that we all fight back. Together, we sent a message: the Constitution, not the president, decides who an American is. President Trump has targeted birthright citizenship from Day One – signing an executive order that threatens to create a permanent subclass of U.S.-born people with no legal status. Within two hours, the ACLU sued the Trump administration. Since then, we've won preliminary relief from the courts, blocking this illegal executive order from taking effect. The 14th Amendment is not up for debate, and we, the people, will not allow our constitutional rights to be stripped away. Hundreds rallied outside the Supreme Court with signs in support, saying 'Protect birthright citizenship' and 'The 14th amendment speaks for itself.' This Wednesday made one thing certain: If President Trump wants to come for our fundamental rights, then supporters will turn out in waves to protect our Constitution and its core promise of birthright citizenship. Always, the ACLU will show up when our rights are threatened. We're glad we can count on you to fight alongside us. Together, The ACLU Team

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BRUCE SPRINGSTEEN / ACLU VIDEO & PROTECT BIRTHRIGHT CITIZENSHIP ( THE 14TH AMENDMENT ) FROM BEING ELIMINATED BY THE DRUMPF / TRUMP-VANCE ADMINISTRATION & Constitutional Citizenship in the U.S. Territories 24MAR26 & 27JUL22

                We're showing President Trump what it means to be Born in the U.S.A.

SUPPORT BIRTHRIGHT CITIZENSHIP

The Beat featuring Bruce Springsteen’s Born in the U.S.A. | ACLU

Mar 23, 2026

Born in the U.S.A.? This is your home. We're honored that the one and only Bruce Springsteen trusted us with use of his iconic anthem ahead of our landmark Supreme Court case Trump v. Barbara, where we’re challenging President Trump’s attempt to take away the constitutional right to birthright citizenship. This video, directed by award-winning filmmaker Anderson Wright, serves as the focal point of the ad campaign we’re launching to protect birthright citizenship. A 30-second version of this video will air during iconic American programs including MLB Opening Day, Survivor, American Idol, and more. Living rooms across the nation will be filled with this reminder of this constitutional right that makes up the fabric of our nation. Join us in defense of the right to citizenship for babies born across the nation at http://aclu.org/borninusa

NEO-NAZI fascist, racist, bigoted, hateful, "christian" nationalist white supremacist are spreading right wing political and "religious" lies, misinformation, deception, fear mongering, hate mongering and violence inspiring propaganda about immigrants that are not White, not "christian" nationalist, not racial supremacist ignorant and do not speak English as their primary language. These white supremacist are supporting the drumpf / trump-vance administration with the gop / grand Orwellian propaganda-republican party's plans to remove the 14th Amendment from the US Constitution which guarantees American citizenship to every person born in America. They want the 14th Amendment revoked and will then will implement ethnic, racial, and religious regulations to keep "undesirables" out. Please sign the ACLU petition demanding protection of the 14th Amendment, they will take the petition with them when they appear before the justices on 1 APR 26. This is followed by and interesting article on constitutional citizenship from Lawfare Media.....

Support Birthright Citizenship This is your last chance for your signature to join us in DC when we go to the Supreme Court to protect birthright citizenship. If you're with us, add your name now! On April 1st, we'll be at the Supreme Court to remind President Trump what it means to be born in the U.S.A. And we're joined by a massive movement. While ACLU Legal Director Cecillia Wang argues before the justices, people from across the country will rally with us on the steps outside to show their support. Over 220,000 people have signed on to support birthright citizenship. Even the one and only Bruce Springsteen trusted us with his iconic anthem – join the team and add your name today to see our latest campaign video! Take Action President Trump doesn't get to decide what it means to be American and who gets to belong in this country – and he doesn't get to roll back longstanding legal precedent to cut immigrants out of the American dream. His relentless attacks on immigrants and their families are fundamentally un-American – violating centuries of foundational precedent and harming the very fabric of American society. We're showing up in force to reclaim our values and protect our neighbors and families. Are you with us? The signature period closes tonight, so don't wait: Sign on right now to help defend the right to citizenship for babies born across the country. Thanks for your support, The ACLU Team

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Sign up for ACLU texts  This email was sent by: ACLU 125 Broad St. New York, NY 10004 Constitutional Citizenship in the U.S. Territories Withholding the constitutional right to American citizenship from people born in the U.S. territories makes as little sense as withholding citizenship from those born in Washington, D.C. Irina Manta, Cassandra Burke Robertson Wednesday, July 27, 2022, 8:01 AM The Fourteenth Amendment guarantees citizenship to “[a]ll persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof.” But what does it mean to be born “in the United States”? For individuals born in the U.S. territories, this is a question of paramount importance. In a recently published law review article entitled “Integral Citizenship,” we argue that the Fourteenth Amendment extends to all individuals born within the territory of the United States. A cert petition filed with the Supreme Court on April 22 raises this issue. Citizenship for those born in territories controlled by the United States has a long and complicated history. In the early days of the United States, the Supreme Court considered the territories to be part of the United States. As far back as 1820, in Loughborough v. Blake, the Court wrote that “[t]he district of Columbia, or the territory west of the Missouri, is not less within the United States, than Maryland or Pennsylvania.” And the Court reiterated this position in the 1872 Slaughterhouse Cases, in which it acknowledged that some “eminent judges” had taken the position that citizenship in the United States required citizenship of one of the states, but stated that such a view had been “put to rest” by the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. In the Slaughterhouse Cases, the Court stated that those “who had been born and resided always in the District of Columbia or in the Territories” were equally citizens of the United States. This inclusive view prevailed until the early 20th century, when U.S. foreign policy became more expansionist. By the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898, the United States gained sovereignty over Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam. Between 1900 and 1904, the United States acquired the islands of American Samoa. And the United States purchased the now-U.S. Virgin Islands from Denmark in 1917. With these new acquisitions, multiple questions arose about the integration of these territories into the political fabric of the nation. In a series of opinions known as the Insular Cases, the Supreme Court addressed these concerns. The Court’s opinions, though explicitly racist and exclusionary, have never been overruled. In 1901, in Downes v. Bidwell, the Court created a new way to categorize the territories. They were either designated to be on a path to statehood (“incorporated”) or destined to remain territorial possessions (“unincorporated”). During this period, explicit racial restrictions on immigration and naturalization were in place and made Asian immigrants racially ineligible for citizenship. The Court’s division of territories into an incorporated/unincorporated dichotomy drew on these underlying prejudices in creating exclusionary policy. For example, in Downes the Court expressed doubt that “possessions ... inhabited by alien races, differing from us in religion, customs, laws, methods of taxation and modes of thought” could share in the administration of government.  A concurring opinion by Justice Edward Douglass White directly linked restrictive citizenship to racial bias. He raised a hypothetical question: What would happen if the United States were to “discover an unknown island, peopled with an uncivilized race, yet rich in soil, and valuable to the United States for commercial and strategic reasons”? White argued that the United States would have “the right to ratify such acquisition.” But he worried notably that if the United States were required to “endow the inhabitants with citizenship of the United States” it would inflict a “grave detriment on the United States” arising from the “immediate bestowal of citizenship on those absolutely unfit to receive it.”  Additionally, in Gonzales v. Williams in 1904, the Court had the opportunity to consider citizenship for individuals born in the territories, but it dodged the question of whether the territories were covered by the citizenship clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The case arose when Isabel González, 20 years old and pregnant, traveled from San Juan, Puerto Rico, to Ellis Island, New York. She was initially denied entry as an “alien immigrant ... likely to become a public charge.” The Court held that González was not an “alien,” since as a resident of Puerto Rico her “permanent allegiance is due to the United States.” But even though the Court held that she could not be excluded from the United States, it did not go so far as to hold that she was a citizen. Instead, the Court allowed residents of unincorporated U.S. territories to be treated as U.S. “nationals,” rather than as citizens. As nationals, residents of the territories would have the right to freely travel throughout the United States and to travel abroad using a U.S. passport. The question of constitutional citizenship, however, remained unanswered. In later years, Congress intervened. During the first half of the 20th century, federal legislation made residents of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the U.S. Virgin Islands U.S. citizens. The Northern Mariana Islands formally became a U.S. commonwealth in 1986. Congress also formally enshrined the Supreme Court’s recognition of “national” status in legislation. The Philippines—whose people retained “national” status during its time as a territory—was granted full independence from the United States in 1946. Today, only the residents of American Samoa have not been granted statutory citizenship and are legally considered to be noncitizen nationals. Twice in the past decade, individuals born in American Samoa have sought judicial recognition of equal birthright citizenship. As U.S. nationals, American Samoans can move freely to the mainland. But they are restricted in what they can do afterward. Without citizenship, they are precluded from voting, from holding certain jobs, and from ascending to some positions in the military. The American Civil Liberties Union has supported the American Samoans’ litigation, explaining that “[t]hey can’t be court reporters in Utah, optometrists in New Mexico, or funeral home directors in Oklahoma, to name a few of the professions into which they’re barred entry.” And even though American Samoans have enlisted in the U.S. military at a higher rate per capita than the inhabitants of any other state or territory, those who enlist are barred from serving as officers. In the first challenge, Tuaua v. United States, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit relied on the incorporated/unincorporated distinction established in the Insular Cases. But it added a new wrinkle: The Court noted an “absence of evidence that a majority of the territory's inhabitants endorse such a tie,” and explained that “the territory's democratically elected representatives actively oppose such a compact.” The circuit court therefore held that the Fourteenth Amendment did not apply to individuals born in American Samoa, and the Supreme Court subsequently denied certiorari. In the summer of 2021, the issue arose again in Fitisemanu v. United States. This time, a three-judge panel on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit issued three separate writings on the question, with two judges concluding that the Constitution did not extend citizenship to residents of the territories, and one concluding that it did. A cert petition is currently pending before the Supreme Court. Will the Supreme Court grant cert in the Fitisemanu case? It is likely to. And it should.  This problem is not going away. Citizenship is an issue of extreme importance to many American Samoans. And they deserve certainty about whether they are protected by the Constitution’s grant of birthright citizenship. Also this constitutional question extends beyond American Samoa. Congress has already extended statutory citizenship to the other territories. But if citizenship is only a matter of “legislative grace,” then Congress could choose to retract it at will, in whole or in part. For example, many residents of Puerto Rico are questioning whether their citizenship is secure or whether only statehood can guarantee their status. Courts have so far not allowed residents to seek a declaratory judgment to determine their status, finding the claim to be unripe until Congress takes affirmative steps to limit the status of Puerto Ricans’ citizenship. Depending on the political winds, that could become a reality.  Some of the justices have expressed an interest in reconsidering the Insular Cases with an eye toward overruling them. In a recent concurrence to United States v. Vaello Madero, Justice Neil Gorsuch called for the Insular Cases to be overturned. He explained that he joined the majority opinion upholding the government’s decision to exclude residents of Puerto Rico from full participation in the Supplemental Security Income program “[b]ecause no party asks us to overrule the Insular Cases to resolve today’s dispute.” However, he condemned the Insular Cases in strong terms, writing that “[t]he flaws in the Insular Cases are as fundamental as they are shameful” and that “they have no home in our Constitution or its original understanding.” Gorsuch concluded that “the time has come to recognize that the Insular Cases rest on a rotten foundation” and that he “hope[s] the day comes soon when the Court squarely overrules them.” Justice Clarence Thomas, in a separate concurrence, suggested that “the Fourteenth Amendment’s Citizenship Clause” might have offered a stronger argument against the government’s differential treatment of Puerto Rico and the states. Finally, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, writing separately in dissent, explicitly noted that she agreed with Gorsuch’s view that it “‘is past time to acknowledge the gravity’ of the error of the Insular Cases.”  The cert petition in Fitisemanu offers the Court that chance. There are also reasons why the Court may not want to take up the case. The population of American Samoa is relatively small, after all. But perhaps more importantly, not all American Samoans are united in a desire for citizenship. It was this divided opinion that stopped the Tuaua court from overruling the Insular Cases. The Court applied a form of self-determination, looking to the “majoritarian will” of American Samoa as expressed through their elected representatives. Representatives of the government of American Samoa noted that citizenship recognition would lead to the invalidation of certain cultural practices, including mandatory religious practices and race-based property restrictions.  However, citizenship is not clearly linked to either of these practices. As Sean Morrison, former president of the American Samoa Bar Association, has explained, “The argument that Equal Protection is a threat to the culture rests on two assumptions: (1) that the Equal Protection clause does not already apply to American Samoa; and (2) that no cultural protections could survive Equal Protection analysis.” Both propositions are somewhat dubious. As early as 1910, the Supreme Court applied constitutional limitations on punishment to U.S. nationals in the Philippines. And as recently as 2016, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit relied on the Equal Protection and Due Processes Clauses to strike down a Puerto Rican law outlawing same-sex marriage. Neither of those decisions relied on citizenship. At the same time, however, scholars have made convincing arguments that equal protection doctrine could and should be expanded to protect the self-determination rights of indigenous peoples within the U.S. territories. Even more fundamentally, Steve Vladeck has pointed out that allowing the citizenship question “to be resolved based upon majoritarian sentiment” is flatly inconsistent with the very concept of a constitutional guarantee. He writes that such a position “fundamentally devalues the importance of constitutional rights in the territories—where the rights that aren’t supported by a majority are perhaps the most in need of judicial incorporation.” Finally, what about citizenship for people born in Washington, D.C.? To modern ears, the very idea that residents of the capital might not be citizens may sound silly. As Allan Erbsen has written, “[T]he District of Columbia seems clearly in the United States even though it is not part of any state.” Likewise, the government’s 10th Circuit brief in Fitisemanu stated dismissively that “no one disputes that the District of Columbia is ‘in the United States.’” But the very obviousness of the question should give us pause. There is no textual reason why the Fourteenth Amendment should apply to the District of Columbia but not to other territories within the sovereignty of the United States. The Supreme Court’s early cases discussed both as part of the same category, after all, in referring to those “who had been born and resided always in the District of Columbia or in the Territories.” A difference in treatment arose only with the “rotten foundation” of the Insular Cases, which suggested that newly acquired territories were filled with people of “alien races” who were “utterly unfit for American citizenship.”  Few today would disagree that the Insular Cases represent a shamefully racist view. But even today, race and language carry a subconscious connection to citizenship for many. One well-known example is the 2008 presidential election: The citizenship of Barack Obama, born in Hawaii, was subject to public scrutiny and doubt. The citizenship of John McCain, by contrast, went largely unquestioned—even though he was born on a military base in the Panama Canal Zone, at a time when the children of citizens were not automatically made citizens themselves. Holding that the Constitution’s guarantee of birthright citizenship is deemed to apply to Washington, D.C., but not to the U.S. territories, perpetuates a system in which constitutional rights depend on covert norms of belonging and majoritarian acceptance. Irina Manta @irina_manta Read More Irina D. Manta is a Professor of Law and the Founding Director of the Center for Intellectual Property Law (CIPL) at the Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University. She previously served as an Assistant Professor at the Case Western Reserve University School of Law and a Bigelow Teaching Fellow and Lecturer in Law at the University of Chicago Law School. She has a J.D. from Yale Law School and a B.A. in psychology from Yale University. Her scholarship spans legal issues in intellectual property, citizenship, and technology. She blogs at The Volokh Conspiracy and co-hosts the podcast Strangers on the Internet. Cassandra Burke Robertson AndraRobertson Read More Cassandra Burke Robertson is the John Deaver Drinko - BakerHostetler Professor of Law and the Director of the Center for Professional Ethics at Case Western Reserve University School of Law. She was appointed as one of Ohio’s representatives to the Uniform Law Commission (also known as the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws) and also serves on Ohio's Commission on the Rules of Practice & Procedure. Prior to entering academia, she clerked for the Texas Supreme Court and served as Assistant Solicitor General in the Office of the Texas Attorney General. Robertson received a law degree from the University of Texas at Austin, where she also obtained joint master's degrees in Middle Eastern Studies and Public Affairs.