On April 7, 2009—less than three months after Barack Obama first took the oath of office—the
Daily Show's
Jon Stewart
perfectly summed up the red-hot, right-wing rage that hasn't cooled
since. "I think," Stewart explained to frothing-at-the-mouth tea party
supporters, "you might be confusing tyranny with losing."
Nevertheless, just days later thousands of the GOP's furious faithful turned out for
Tax Day Tea Party
rallies, events funded by conservative groups like Americans for
Prosperity and FreedomWorks and promoted by Fox News, displaying signs
proclaiming "Taxed Enough Already" and "No Taxation without
Representation." That was more than a little ironic. After all,
President Obama and the newly elected Democratic majorities in the House
and Senate had
just delivered tax relief for 95 percent
of working households with the largest two-year tax cut in American
history. And by 2010, federal tax revenue as a percentage of the U.S.
economy had plummeted to the
lowest level since 1950. So much for the need to water the Tree of Liberty with the blood of patriots and tyrants.
But four-plus years later, the Republicans' scorched-earth strategy
is no laughing matter. After spending most of his first term demonizing
Barack Obama, conservatives are hell-bent on erasing his agenda
reaffirmed by the American people less than a year ago. And as the
events of the last few weeks show, many Republicans are more than
willing to shutter the U.S. government and
destroy the American economy to do it.
Not that Republican leaders hesitated to bring the government to a
screeching halt the moment George W. Bush left the Oval Office to
"replenish the ol' coffers." The
unprecedented campaign of GOP obstructionism which literally
began the night of Obama's inauguration
quickly shattered the previous mark for filibusters, blocked President
Obama's judicial nominations at record rates and even stood in the way
of any appointee to head agencies like the Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau and the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB).
During most of Obama's first four years in office, another Republican
weapon of choice was, as Arizona Republican Jon Kyl's office
acknowledged, the talking point "
not intended to be a factual statement."
Barack Obama isn't a Muslim and wasn't born in Kenya (or any place
other than Hawaii). The Bush recession which began in December 2007 did
not become the "
Obama Bear Market"
months before the Democrat even won the election, let alone take the
oath of office. Tax cuts don't "pay for themselves" and the
2009 stimulus
did not fail to "create a single job" and "make the economy worse."
There were (and are) no "death panels. That 2009 Politifact Lie of the
Year was succeeded in 2010 by another Affordable Care Act myth, "a
government takeover of health care."
But it was on health care reform where the GOP waged—and is still
waging—a war to stop President Obama and the Democratic Party at all
costs. While Obama pondered this summer why the GOP's "number one
priority, the one unifying principle in the Republican Party at the
moment is making sure that 30 million people don't have health care,"
the answer was never a mystery. The health care reform initiative had to
be what South Carolina Senator turned Heritage Foundation President
Jim Demint in 2009 called "his Waterloo" because the alternative was Waterloo for the Republican Party. As I summed it up in "
The Real Reason for the GOP's All-Out War on Obamacare" below:
At its core, the Republicans' scorched-earth opposition to
Obamacare has never been so much about "freedom" or "limited government"
or any other right-wing ideological buzzword as it has been about
political power, pure and simple. Now as for the past 20 years,
Republicans have feared not that health care reform would fail the
American people, but that it would succeed. Along with Social Security
and Medicare, successful health care reform would provide the third and
final pillar of Americans' social safety net, all brought you by the
Democratic Party. To put it another way, the GOP was never really
concerned about a "government takeover of health care", "rationing",
"the doctor-patient relationship" or mythical "death panels," but that
an American public grateful for access to health care could provide
Democrats with an enduring majority for years to come.
For two decades, Weekly Standard Bill Kristol has been quite clear on
that point. Kristol, who in 1993 and 1994 led the Republican effort to
undermine Democrat Bill Clinton's health reform plan lest it "revive the
reputation of the party... as the generous protector of middle-class
interests," told Fox News' Neil Cavuto
two weeks after Obama's inauguration
the GOP should emulate the roadblock Republicans of the 1990's to halt
his economic recovery package first and everything else—most of all
health care reform—later:
"But the loss of credibility, even if they jam it through,
really hurts them on the next, on the next piece of legislation. Clinton
got through his tax increases in '93, it was such a labor and he had to
twist so many arms to do it and he became so unpopular...
...That it made, that it made it so much easier to then defeat his
health care initiative. So, it's very important for Republicans who
think they're going to have to fight later on on health care, fight
later on maybe on some of the bank bailout legislation, fight later on
on all kinds of issues. It's very important for them, I think, not just
to stay united at this time, though that's important, but to make the
arguments."
In November 2009, Senator
Orrin Hatch
(R-UT) laid out the stakes for Republicans in an interview with CNS.
Hatch, who ironically had co-sponsored an individual mandate bill in
1993, explained in this way:
HATCH: That's their goal. Move people into government that
way. Do it in increments. They've actually said it. They've said it out
loud.
Q: This is a step-by-step approach --
HATCH: A step-by-step approach to socialized medicine. And if they
get there, of course, you're going to have a very rough time having a
two-party system in this country, because almost everybody's going to
say, "All we ever were, all we ever are, all we ever hope to be depends
on the Democratic Party."
Q: They'll have reduced the American people to dependency on the federal government.
HATCH: Yeah, you got that right. That's their goal. That's what keeps Democrats in power.
The usual suspects among the right-wing think tanks amplified that message. Just days after the 2008 election,
Michael Cannon of the Cato Institute insisted, "Blocking Obama's health plan is key to GOP's survival."
James Pethokoukis of the American Enterprise Institute
similarly warned that the passage of a Democratic health care bill
could "kill conservatism." He quoted a Republican strategist who
fretted:
"Let me tell you something, if Democrats take the White House and pass a big-government healthcare plan, that's it."
But Democrats did take the White House in 2008. And despite conservative
fear-mongering and demagoguery, the Patient Protection and Affordable
Care Act became the law of the land in March 2010. The right-wing
euphoria about the GOP's overwhelming triumph in the November 2010
midterm elections soon dissipated into bitter disappointment. In 2012,
President Obama was comfortably re-elected and Democrats retained their
Senate majority in a campaign in which health care reform was, after
only the economy, the most prominent issue. (While the Democrats' gains
were limited in the House, they nevertheless
won its popular tally by over a million votes.) Over 40 repeal votes by the House died on arrival in the Senate.
With the Supreme Court having upheld the constitutionality of the ACA
in June 2012, Republicans were left with only two approaches. First,
despite the fact that health care is worst where the GOP does best,
Republicans set out to undermine the implementation
of Obamacare in almost every state they controlled. And to prevent the
Obama administration from implementing the Affordable Care Act
nationwide, they targeted the federal government itself with the same
weapon they first threatened to detonate in the summer of 2011. That
weapon was also nuclear.
The debt ceiling of the United States.
Raising the debt ceiling—that
is, increasing Uncle Sam's borrowing authority in order to pay bills
already incurred—used to be a routine part of governing for both
parties. Since 1980, it has been boost 42 times, including on 17
occasions by Ronald Reagan (who tripled the national debt) and seven
more by George W. Bush (who nearly doubled the debt again). Mitch
McConnell, John Boehner and Eric Cantor voted for all of those debt
ceiling hikes. Of course, they had to and not just because the cost of
two wars, the Bush tax cuts, the Medicare Part D prescription drug
program and TARP added trillions of dollars of red ink during Bush's
tenure. There was another reason debt ceiling increases had to be
approved, one which
Speaker Boehner (along with Rep. Paul Ryan, Sen. Lindsey Graham and other GOP luminaries) acknowledged in 2011:
"That would be a financial disaster, not only for our
country but for the worldwide economy. Remember, the American people on
Election Day said, 'we want to cut spending and we want to create jobs.'
And you can't create jobs if you default on the federal debt."
But in the summer of 2011, House Republicans became the first party with
both the votes and the intent
to block a debt ceiling increase. They threatened to trigger a global
economic cataclysm unless President Obama and his Democratic allies
agreed to draconian spending cuts. (That's why former Bush Treasury
Secretary
Paul O'Neill
warned that his GOP allies "who are threatening not to pass the debt
ceiling are our version of al Qaeda terrorists [and are] really putting
our whole society at risk.")
The extortion worked,
resulting in the $1.2 trillion, 10-year budget sequester. Speaker
Boehner, who crowed "I got 98 percent of what I wanted," wasn't the only
Republican leader exulting in the wake of the August 2011 deal they
extracted. A gloating
Mitch McConnell promised he and his party would be back to blackmail the president again:
"I think some of our members may have thought the default
issue was a hostage you might take a chance at shooting. Most of us
didn't think that. What we did learn is this -- it's a hostage that's
worth ransoming. And it focuses the Congress on something that must be
done."
Despite triggering a
downgrade of the U.S. credit rating by Standard and Poor's and reversing
U.S. consumer confidence and job creation, McConnell told CNBC's Lawrence Kudlow just days later that for Republicans, hostage-taking would be the new normal.
"What we have done, Larry, also is set a new template. In
the future, any president, this one or another one, when they request us
to raise the debt ceiling, it will not be clean anymore. This is just
the first step. This, we anticipate, will take us into 2013. Whoever the
new president is, is probably going to be asking us to raise the debt
ceiling again. Then we will go through the process again and see what we
can continue to achieve in connection with these debt ceiling requests
of presidents to get our financial house in order."
In 2013, the hostage would be Obamacare.
But in the weeks and months after Obama's second inauguration, that wasn't the only item on the Republican ransom note.
By March 2013,
Politico reported, "House GOP leadership is also eyeing several bills
to hike the debt cap with different budgetary reforms [which] include
increasing the Medicare eligibility age, means testing Medicare and
changing the formula for calculating government benefits."
By May,
another approach "gained significant traction -- and has been
ricocheting around K Street and Capitol Hill -- would directly wed
increases in the debt ceiling to progress in tax reform."
By July,
the price went up again as some Republicans began demanding President
Obama essentially approve the Paul Ryan budget that had garnered the
votes of 95 percent of Congressional Republicans three years running.
In other words, the Republicans were seeking a de facto coup d'état
by other means. The government the American people twice elected would
be defenestrated, not through violence, but by blackmail.
While those and other conditions for raising the debt ceiling would
appear, disappear and reappear in the months to come, by the end of the
summer, the core demand was set.
Led by Heritage Action and its front man Ted Cruz,
Republicans would demand the defunding of Obamacare and the delay of
its individual mandate as the price for shutting down the government and
triggering a sovereign default by the United States. In August,
80 GOP members of Congress signed a letter calling on Speaker Boehner to do just that. Writing in the
Wall Street Journal last week, Stephen Moore detailed how the plan laid out by
Michael Needham of Heritage Action became the House GOP's battle plan:
"I really believe we are in a great position right now,"
says Michael Needham, the 31-year-old president of Heritage Action, the
lobbying arm of the nation's largest conservative think tank. By "we" he
means the Republican Party and the conservative movement; their "great
position" refers to the potential to win the political battle over the
government shutdown.
As events this week showed, Needham was wrong. The twin threats to
render the United States ungovernable and sabotage the U.S. economy
boomeranged against the GOP. The American people rightly blamed
Republicans for their shuttered government. Sen. Graham acknowledged the
role the polls played in the collapse of the GOP's attempt at extortion, lamenting "Of course they had an impact." In defeat,
Speaker John Boehner admitted Wednesday he didn't have the nerve to execute the American economy he and his party were holding hostage. (As
Newsweek reported, both Fitch and S&P were just hours away from downgrading U.S. credit.)
Despite the failure of their coup attempt, Republicans remain
unbowed. While Boehner warned that "Our drive to stop the train wreck
that is the president's health care law will continue," Louisiana Rep.
John Fleming promised "we're going to start this all over again." As for
Paul Ryan,
the GOP wunderkind turned vice presidential nominee who voted against
the deal as well as the Simpson-Bowles deficit commission plan,
"compromise" means the adoption of his budget plan ("To break the
deadlock, both sides should agree to common-sense reforms of the
country's entitlement programs and tax code") the Senate, the president
and the American people already rejected.
And no doubt,
Ted Cruz will be back, as will
many of the other
17 GOP senators and 144 representatives who voted Wednesday to let the
United States default. Some are already threatening to pursue
impeachment. But
Cruz's opposition to this week's "terrible deal"
wasn't because "it does absolutely nothing to provide relief for the
millions of Americans who are hurting because of Obamacare." As he
recently
admitted to Sean Hannity of Fox News, Ted Cruz like so many other Republicans is afraid Americans will like the Affordable Care Act:
"If we don't do it (defund Obamacare) now, in all
likelihood, Obamacare will never, ever be repealed. Why is that? Because
on January 1, the exchanges kick in, the subsidies kick in," and added
that "their plan is to get the American people addicted to the sugar,
addicted to the subsidies, and once that happens, in all likelihood, it
never gets..."
"It's over," Hannity cut in, "it never gets repealed."
To those
Republicans who organized their failed putsch over white wine and single-malt scotch on K Street,
President Obama on Thursday had a simple message:
"You don't like a particular policy or a particular
president? Then argue for your position. Go out there and win an
election. Push to change it," Obama said. "But don't break it. Don't
break what our predecessors spent over two centuries building. That's
not being faithful to what this country's about."
Or as Jon Stewart put it to the tea partiers four years ago, don't confuse tyranny with losing.