E MAIL YOUR SENATORS & REPRESENTATIVE (I DID), TELL THEM TO VOTE NO ON AMERICAN WAR IN SYRIA

MY e mails to Sen Tim Kaine D VA, Sen Mark Warner D VA and Rep Gerry Connolly D VA against any and all American military action in Syria. You can e mail your Senators here http://www.senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm  and your Representative here http://www.house.gov/representatives/find/  We can stop this war before it starts, our best chances are with the U.S. House but we can't give up on the Senate. My e mails are below.....
To Sen Kaine
I am extremely disgusted with your vote in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to authorize American military action in Syria. We are not wanted there. The Syrians don't want our military involvement, nobody in the Middle East does, most in the Arab and Islamic world don't and even our allies (except France) are not backing American military action in Syria. We do not need another Middle East war. Americans are still being killed in Afghanistan, we do not need to add to the tally of American military lives sacrificed for lost causes. The president's plan doesn't pass the Powell Doctrine test, and unilateral American military action in Syria will be a violation of international law. Approval of Pres. Obama's request and subsequent American military action will result in all who vote to grant authority for U.S. military action in Syria becoming war criminals under international law.This is a Syrian and Arab world problem, they need to deal with it. The most we should do is continue providing humanitarian aid for the Syrian refugees and working with our allies and the U.N. for a diplomatic solution to this tragic civil war. 
Remember the Powell doctrine? Elaborated by Colin Powell back in 1990, during his tenure as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, it consisted of a series of questions identifying the conditions that should be met before committing U.S. military forces to battle. The questions were:
1. Is a vital national security interest threatened?
2. Do we have a clear attainable objective?
3. Have the risks and costs been fully and frankly analyzed?
4. Have all other nonviolent policy means been fully exhausted?
5. Is there a plausible exit strategy to avoid endless entanglement?
6. Have the consequences of our action been fully considered?
7. Is the action supported by the American people?
8. Do we have genuine broad international support?

For Powell, each question had to be answered in the affirmative before a decision to use military force was made. If these conditions were met, however, Powell (and other military officers of his generation) believed that the United States should then use sufficient force to achieve decisive victory. 
To Sen Warner and Rep Connolly
I am opposed to Pres Obama's request for authorization for American military action in Syria. We are not wanted there. The Syrians don't want our military involvement, nobody in the Middle East does, most in the Arab and Islamic world don't and even our allies (except France) are not backing American military action in Syria. We do not need another Middle East war. Americans are still being killed in Afghanistan, we do not need to add to the tally of American military lives sacrificed for lost causes. The president's plan doesn't pass the Powell Doctrine test, and unilateral American military action in Syria will be a violation of international law. Approval of Pres. Obama's request and subsequent American military action will result in all who vote to grant authority for U.S. military action in Syria becoming war criminals under international law. This is a Syrian and Arab world problem, they need to deal with it. The most we should do is continue providing humanitarian aid for the Syrian refugees and working with our allies and the U.N. for a diplomatic solution to this tragic civil war.
Remember the Powell doctrine? Elaborated by Colin Powell back in 1990, during his tenure as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, it consisted of a series of questions identifying the conditions that should be met before committing U.S. military forces to battle. The questions were:
1. Is a vital national security interest threatened?
2. Do we have a clear attainable objective?
3. Have the risks and costs been fully and frankly analyzed?
4. Have all other nonviolent policy means been fully exhausted?
5. Is there a plausible exit strategy to avoid endless entanglement?
6. Have the consequences of our action been fully considered?
7. Is the action supported by the American people?
8. Do we have genuine broad international support?

For Powell, each question had to be answered in the affirmative before a decision to use military force was made. If these conditions were met, however, Powell (and other military officers of his generation) believed that the United States should then use sufficient force to achieve decisive victory.